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  • He supplies coffee to Starbucks. He owns much of Ethiopia. And he is known as “Sheikh Mo” in the Clintons’ circle.

    But the gilded life of Sheikh Mohammed Hussein Al Amoudi took a sharp turn in November. Mr. Amoudi, the gregarious 71-year-old son of a Yemeni businessman and his Ethiopian wife, was swept up with hundreds of billionaires, princes and other well-connected figures in what the Saudi government says is an anti-corruption campaign that has seized more than $100 billion in assets.

    Many other detainees, who were initially kept at a Ritz-Carlton hotel in Riyadh, have been released, including Prince Alwaleed bin Talal, the well-known international investor. Mr. Amoudi’s cousin, Mohammed Aboud Al Amoudi, a property developer, was also let go.

    But Mr. Amoudi, once called the world’s richest black person by Forbes, has not been freed, leaving a vast empire that employs more than 70,000 people in limbo. He controls businesses from Ethiopia, where he is the largest private employer and the most prominent backer of the authoritarian government, to Sweden, where he owns a large fuel company, to London, which he has used as a base to set up a number of companies.

    “He was in the Ritz-Carlton but we have been told by his family members that he was moved, along with others, to another hotel,” Mr. Amoudi’s press office said in an email responding to questions. “Unfortunately we do not know where. He is in regular contact with his family and is being treated well.”

    While Mr. Amoudi lacks a princely pedigree, he is in other ways an archetype of those entangled in the kingdom’s power play: a billionaire with assets stretching across the world who had close ties to previous governments.

    The late King Abdullah was a supporter of Mr. Amoudi’s Saudi Star Agricultural Development, a sprawling farming venture in Ethiopia established to supply rice to Saudi Arabia. Such ventures are seen as strategic assets in a desert kingdom keenly aware of its agricultural limitations. While Saudi Star has had a tough time getting going, it is said to be a particular focus of the new government’s interest.

    Saudi officials have declined to comment on the charges against individual detainees as well as their status, citing privacy laws.

    The Saudi government has said its dragnet followed an extensive investigation by a newly formed anti-corruption committee headed by the country’s crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman. The prince, who has fashioned himself as a reformer, is in the midst of a charm offensive to bolster diplomatic and financial ties to the West and is scheduled to visit Washington later this month.

    The detentions, however, have been almost entirely opaque. There have been no signs of collaboration with Western law enforcement and no charges made public, leading some critics to view it as a power and money grab rather than a bona fide anti-corruption effort. Saudi officials have denied that anyone has been mistreated, but people with knowledge of the detentions have said that as many as 17 of the detainees required medical attention because of abuse, and one later died in custody.

    Given the insular nature of the country and the crackdown, Saudi officials are likely to make the most headway seizing assets within their own borders. Within Mr. Amoudi’s empire, there is much to sort through.

    He moved to the kingdom as a teenager. Although there are few firm details about how a commoner came to vast wealth, he managed to forge influential connections. The most important was Prince Sultan Bin Abdulaziz, who served as defense minister and crown prince before his death in 2011. Mr. Amoudi ran businesses that depended on the prince’s money and position, associates said. Another of his allies was Khalid Bin Mahfouz, a billionaire who later became enmeshed in the collapse of the Bank of Credit and Commerce International in 1991, at the time one of the largest private banks in the world.

    In the 1980s, Mr. Amoudi set up Mohammed International Development Research and Organization Companies, a conglomerate known as Midroc. Early on, his biggest deal was a multi-billion-dollar project to build the kingdom’s underground oil storage capacity. Engineering and construction became core businesses for Midroc, but it operates everything from pharmaceutical to furniture factories in the region, according to its website. Mr. Amoudi also owns half of a steel company called Yanbu, and a large chain of gas stations called Naft.

    Like another detainee, Mr. Alwaleed, Mr. Amoudi’s reach has extended to the United States. He donated millions of dollars to the Clinton Foundation and offered his private plane to fly Bill Clinton to Ethiopia in 2011. That offer sparked internal debate within the foundation, leaked emails showed.

    “Unless Sheikh Mo has sent us a $6 million check, this sounds crazy to do,” Amitabh Desai, the foreign policy director of the Clinton Foundation, wrote in one of the emails.

    That was not the first time that Mr. Amoudi’s name had surfaced in the United States. Three years after the Sept. 11 attacks, a lawsuit by the owner of the World Trade Center described Mr. Amoudi as a “material sponsor of international terrorism” because of his funding of controversial Islamic charities. Both sides agreed to a dismissal the following year, and a spokesman for Mr. Amoudi attributed the suit to a case of mistaken identity.

    In Ethiopia, Mr. Amoudi’s allies portray him as a philanthropist and champion of African growth.

    “I am a Saudi investor, born in Africa, with an Ethiopian mother, of which I am proud,” he said in a speech in Washington in 2014. “I have a special relationship with my birth country by investing in all of Africa — north, south, east, west.”

    Sisay Asefa, a professor at Western Michigan University, has known Mr. Amoudi for years and set up a foundation with his support.

    Electronic billboards in London showed Mohammed bin Salman, the Saudi crown prince, with the hashtag #ANewSaudiArabia during his visit to Britain last week. Credit Chris J Ratcliffe/Getty Images

    “He should be released immediately,” he said. Mr. Amoudi, he added, “has transformed many lives.”

    But he has also been a polarizing figure. Mr. Amoudi’s reach in Ethiopia has been so pervasive that a 2008 State Department cable, made public by WikiLeaks, said that “nearly every enterprise of significant monetary or strategic value privatized since 1994 has passed from the ownership of the Government of Ethiopia” to “one of Al Amoudi’s companies.” That called into question the “true competitiveness of the process,” the cable said.

    Mr. Amoudi has opened his deep pockets to build a hospital in Addis Ababa and fund AIDS treatment programs. But he has also long backed the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front, which has ruled the country for more than a quarter-century, angering opposition supporters.

    His loyalty to the ruling party has even crossed borders. When a popular expatriate group in the United States called the Ethiopian Sports Federation in North America invited an opposition leader to speak in 2010, Mr. Amoudi set up a rival group.

    “When he was imprisoned, it divided public opinion,” said Semahagn Gashu Abebe, an assistant professor of international studies at Endicott College. “The opposition is happy because they think it will greatly weaken the regime.”

    But for Ethiopia’s ruling party, he said, “It’s a loss.”

    Many see Mr. Amoudi less as a beneficent local son than a Saudi privateer. Some of his mining operations, particularly in a region of Ethiopia called Oromia, have caused resentment, protests and arrests.

    “The government and people around the government would definitely miss him,” said Henok Gabisa, a visiting academic fellow at Washington and Lee University School of Law. “I’m sure people from the Oromia region would never miss him because they feel like they were robbed of their natural resources.”

    As Mr. Gabisa put it, “Literally his presence and his absence make a huge difference in Ethiopia.”



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    Ethiopia has deported British journalist William Davison because of accreditation issues.

    The news agency says Davison, a Guardian reporter who previously worked for Bloomberg, was deported Wednesday after being detained for a day at a police station.

    Davison is now in Britain and said on Facebook that Ethiopia refused to give him accreditation after he stopped working for Bloomberg and began working for The Guardian. "What my treatment demonstrates once again is a lack of appreciation of professional journalism and a failure of various government institutions and officials to follow established procedure in anything like a transparent manner."

    Davison says he was not told of the specific reason why he was deported. But he said in his Facebook post that "I have been on a Tourist Visa since Feb. 13, and an Immigration official declared that I was not a tourist."

    The Associated Press reports an Ethiopian official said Davison was kicked out the country because he did not have any foreign media affiliation.

    "I'm not aware that he has submitted a new accreditation with The Guardian," Mohammed Seid said. "We have been treating him like all the other reporters when he was a Bloomberg reporter, but now he has no accreditation with any other media outlet ... so he can't produce reports from within Ethiopia."

    Also in Ethiopia, blogger Seyoum Teshome has been detained, the Committee to Protect Journalists reports.

    Ethiopan blogger Seyoum Teshome is seen in an undatd photo.
    Ethiopan blogger Seyoum Teshome is seen in an undatd photo.

    CPJ said Friday the blogger was arrested Thursday by security forces at his home. No reason was given for his arrest.

    The blogger has been critical of Ethiopia's six-month state of emergency that was declared in February.

    "Ethiopia cannot again use the cloak of a national emergency to round up journalists and stifle critical voice," said CPJ Deputy Executive Director Robert Mahoney. "This is the second time that authorities ignored due process to detain Seyoum Teshome. He should be released immediately and unconditionally."

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    በደቡብ ወሎ ዞን ለጋምቦ ወረዳ ትናንት በደረሰ የትራፊክ አደጋ የ38 ሰዎች ህይወት አለፈ፡፡ 10 ሰዎች ከባድና ቀላል አደጋ ደርሶባቸዋል፡፡የህዝብ ማመላለሻ አውቶቡሱ 48 ሰዎችን አሳፍሮ ለጋምቦ ወረዳ ቀበሌ 07 -ልዩ ስሙ ገነቴ ሰላምበር በተባለ ልዩ ቦታ ላይ 5 ሜትር ቁልቁለት ላይ ዘሎ በመግባቱ ነው አደጋው የደረሰው፡፡

    አደጋው ከመካነ ሰላም ተነስቶ ወደ ደሴ 48 ሰዎችን አሳፍሮ ሲጓዝ በነበረ የህዝብ ማመላለሻ አውቶብስ ተሽከርካሪ ላይ ነው የደረሰው።
    የህዝብ ማመላለሻ አውቶብሱ በለጋምቦ ወረዳ ከገነቴ ከተማ በቅርብ ርቀት አቧራ ጥግ የሚባለውን ጠመዝማዛ መንገድ እንደጨረሰ መንገዱን ስቶ በመውደቁ ነው አደጋው የደረሰው።

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    የአሜሪካ የውጭ ጉዳይ ሚኒስትር ሬክስ ቲለርሰን ዛሬ የካቲት 29 ቀን 2010 ዓ.ም. ከኢትዮጵያ የውጭ ጉዳይ ሚኒስትር ወርቅነህ ገበየሁ (ዶ/ር) ጋር በሰጡት መግለጫ የአስቸኳይ ጊዜ አዋጁ ምንም እንኳን ለስድስት ወራት የታወጀ ቢሆንም ጊዜውን መንግሥት ያሳጥረዋል ብለው እንደሚያምኑ ገለጹ፡፡

    ዴሞክራሲ በኢትዮጵያ ገና 27 ዓመታት ማስቆጠሩንና በባህርይው ፈታኝ በመሆኑ ችግሮች ሊታዩ እንደሚችሉና ኢትዮጵያም አሁን ወሳኝ ወቅት ላይ እንደምትገኝ ገልጸዋል፡፡

    ‹‹ሰላማዊ የሆነ የሥልጣን ሽግግር እንዲኖር መንግሥት እየሠራ ያለውን ሥራ እናደንቃለን፤›› ያሉት ቲለርሰን፣ ‹‹የአስቸኳይ ጊዜ አዋጁ የሚታዩ አለመረጋጋቶችን ለማርገብ ቢያግዝም በአንዳንድ ዜጎች ላይ የዴሞክራሲያዊና የሰብዓዊ መብቶች ጥሰት ሊያስከትል ይችላል፤›› ሲሉ ሥጋታቸውን ገልጸዋል፡፡

    የፖለቲካ አመራር የሆኑና ጋዜጠኞች ከእስር መፈታታቸውን ቲለርሰን አድንቀዋል፡፡

    ከአገራዊ ጉዳዮች በዘለለ በተለይ ሶማሌና ደቡብ ሱዳን ላይ ትኩረት ያደረጉ አኅጉራዊና ቀጠናዊ ጉዳዮችን ቲለርሰን ከኢትዮጵያ አቻቸው ጋር መወያየታቸውም ታውቋል፡፡

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    Ethiopia’s ruling party needs “fresh forces” in its leadership to tackle political upheaval and achieve its economic goals after Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn’s surprise resignation last week, a leader of his party said.

    Hailemariam, 52, announced Feb. 15 he’s stepping down after an internal evaluation of the South Ethiopia People’s Democratic Movement, one of four parties that make up the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front, said Tesfaye Beljige, secretary-general of the SEPDM.
    Hailemariam tendered his resignation “on the basis of the national situation and especially the current political situation” and not because of “his failure to perform individually,” Tesfaye said. The prime minister told the front’s leadership that he has faced a “very hectic situation” over the past six years, Tesfaye said in an interview Sunday in the capital, Addis Ababa.

    Ethiopia’s government declared a state of emergency on Feb. 16 following Hailemariam’s resignation, which came after more than two years of sporadic, often deadly, anti-government demonstrations and amid conflict between the Oromo and Somali regions that has displaced more than 900,000 people. Similar measures introduced in 2016 failed to curb the turmoil mainly in the Oromia and Amhara regions -- home to the biggest ethnic groups who say they’re excluded from political and economic power.


    Prisoners Released

    In a policy shift, Hailemariam last month announced that more than 7,000 political prisoners would be released and further political reforms would be implemented.

    The new emergency “undermines recent positive steps toward creating a more inclusive political space, including the release of thousands of prisoners,” the U.S. Embassy in Ethiopia said in a statement. “Restrictions on the ability of the Ethiopian people to express themselves peacefully sends a message that they are not being heard.”

    The European Union in Ethiopia said in a statement on its Facebook page that Hailemariam’s resignation “opens a period of uncertainty” and the government should pursue the “positive reforms” he initiated. It said the state of emergency should be “as limited in time as possible and respectful of human rights and fundamental freedoms.”

    Constitution Suspended

    The suspension of the constitution will continue for six months and be extended if necessary, Defense Minister Siraj Fegessa announced on Feb. 17. Siraj, who didn’t respond to two text messages and two calls seeking comment, dismissed “false rumors of a military takeover of the government,” according to ruling party media outlets.

    The EPRDF and SEPDM’s executive committees have accepted Hailemariam’s resignation. They’re now preparing a letter to be submitted to an EPRDF Council that contains 180 members from the four parties, which will then decide whether to accept it, Tesfaye said. Hailemariam will remain the country’s leader until then, he said.

    Information Minister Negeri Lencho didn’t respond to two text messages and two calls seeking comment on when the council is expected to make a final decision on the resignation. Zadig Abraha, who heads public relations in the prime minister’s office, declined to comment on party procedure.



    SOURCE: bloomberg

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    Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn resigned unexpectedly on Thursday, the first leader to do so in the country's recent history.

    As Africa's second most-populous country enters uncharted political territory, here are four questions about what happened -- and what comes next.

    - Why did he resign? -

    Rumours that Hailemariam would go have been circulating in the capital Addis Ababa for months, but his announcement came as a surprise.

    Guesses abound as to why he left when he did, but analysts say among the key drivers are the country's spiral into crisis, and the divisions within Hailemariam's party that have kept him from responding decisively.

    "We know that he's not a real decision-maker in Ethiopia," said one Ethiopia analyst, who requested anonymity.

    Africa's second most-populous country has entered uncharted political territory after the resignation of its prime minister

    Africa's second most-populous country has entered uncharted political territory after the resignation of its prime minister

    Hailemariam's resignation followed a week that began with two days of strikes and road closures across Ethiopia's most-populous region Oromia, and a mass prisoner release that saw some of the country's most-prominent dissidents leave jail.

    Hailemariam had announced the prisoner release last month amid growing disenchantment with his government.

    Anger with the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition exploded in December 2015 when the country's largest ethnicity, the Oromo, began mass protests. Months later the next-largest ethnicity, the Amhara, rose up too.

    A 10-month state of emergency declared in October 2016 quelled the worst of the violence, but only after hundreds of deaths and tens of thousands of arrests that were condemned by rights groups.

    Still, anti-government protests continue to occur, and a separate spate of clashes between the Oromo and Somali ethnicities displaced a million people late last year.

    "The situation is getting out of control right now, so he might have decided to resign by himself," the analyst said, pointing to his decision to leave both the premiership and his own party.

    The EPRDF has engaged in a bout of self-flagellation since the protests, promising it would reform itself to address the population's grievances.

    Hailemariam cited that goal in his resignation, saying he intended "to become part of the solution".

    - What happens next? -

    Hailemariam's resignation has been accepted by the executive committees of both the EPRDF and his own party within the coalition, the Southern Ethiopian People's Democratic Movement (SEPDM).

    He will remain in office until parliament and the full EPRDF coalition confirm his request to leave.

    Local media has reported that they may be considering another state of emergency as a way to calm the protests and ethnic clashes.

    "The risk of catastrophic ethnic clashes is real," said longtime independent Ethiopia researcher Rene Lefort.

    "The state of emergency could be a necessary response to this risk. But it will only add fuel to the fire if it's interpreted only as an upgrade of [the] repression."

    - Who will become PM? -

    The EPRDF came into power in 1991 as a rebel group that overthrew dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam of the communist Derg junta.

    Rebel leader Meles Zenawi of the Tigrayan ethnic group ruled from 1995 till his death in 2012. It led to the perception that the ethnicity, which makes up about six percent of the population, was wielding total control over a nation of more than 100 million.

    Hailemariam, from the Wolayta minority in the country's south, was Meles's appointed successor, though speculation abounds about whether the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front (TPLF) still remains the dominant member of the EPRDF coalition, as it was for years.

    Were one of the TPLF's own to take power, it could enrage protesters.

    "If TPLF is using its opportunity to bring someone who wants to maintain the status quo by leveraging the military, that would be devastating," the analyst said.

    Being the largest ethnicity with about 35 percent of the population, Oromo activists are particularly insistent that the next prime minister be one of their own.

    - What does it mean for Ethiopia? -

    Whoever takes over will face a daunting task of keeping the EPRDF together and continuing the country's streak of rapid economic growth.

    New industrial parks, train tracks and roads have sprung up across the country in recent years, but the protesters complain jobs remain scarce.

    Last October, Ethiopia devalued its currency by 15 percent in a bid to boost its export competitiveness, but foreign exchange remains in short supply, slowing down business.

    Ethiopia researcher at Amnesty International Fisseha Tekle said the newfound prosperity would be imperilled if the incoming prime minister doesn't hold security forces to account and revise laws that have been used to prosecute political activists and journalists.

    "All these steps should be taken to stop the situation from spiralling into a complete breakdown of law and order," Fisseha said.

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    Ethiopia's opposition reacted cautiously on Friday a day after the surprise resignation of the prime minister, warning it did not herald real change since the ruling party remains in power.

    Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn resigned on Thursday after weeks of anti-government demonstrations and growing splits within the country's ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition.

    With the EPRDF and its allies controlling every seat in parliament, it is unclear what difference Hailemariam's departure will make, said prominent opposition leader Merera Gudina, chairman of the opposition Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC).

    "What the people are demanding is fundamental change," Merera told AFP, saying that Hailemariam's departure was a matter of internal party politics. "So the change of an individual is really the homework for the EPRDF, not the people of Ethiopia."

    However, Merera said he was "cautiously optimistic," that Hailemariam's departure could offer an opening for them.

    "There are, after all, possibilities... to move forward," Merera said.

    "The EPRDF as an organisation has a serious problem and really blocked the democratisation of the Ethiopian state and society -- and is really responsible for many of its crisis," he added.

    Hailemariam will remain in office until parliament and the EPRDF coalition confirm his resignation from the most powerful post in Africa's second most-populous nation.

    It remains unclear if his successor will be sympathetic to the protesters' grievances, or return Ethiopia to the authoritarian governing style of Hailemariam's predecessor Meles Zenawi, who led the rebels that ousted dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam in 1991.

    Merera was released from jail in January, when the government began pardoning and dropping charges against hundreds of prisoners including many high-profile dissidents.

    Hailemariam said it was a way "to improve the national consensus and widen the democratic platform".

    The OFC chairman's release was a key demand of dissidents from the Oromo people, whose campaign of anti-government protests that began in December 2015 are seen as a key reason why Hailemariam resigned.

    The protests were quelled after Ethiopia imposed a 10-month state of emergency in October 2016, but hundreds of people died in the uprisings, and violence continues to occur sporadically, particularly in the two protest hotbeds, Oromia and Amhara regions.

    Earlier this week, young men wielding sticks and stones blocked roads leading out of the capital Addis Ababa and businesses shut in Oromia.

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    “ይህ ድርጅትና መንግስት፣ህዝቡ አለኝታዬ ነው የሚለው መሆን አለበት፡፡ ደግመን ደጋግመን እየተናገርን ነው፡፡ ህዝቡን እንስማ፡፡ ከህዝቡ ጋራ ሆነን ህዝቡ የሚፈልገውን እንስራ፡፡ ሌላ ነገር አይደለም እንስራ እያልን ያለነው፡፡ Rocket science እንፍጠር፣ እየተፈላሰፍን ከአቅማችን በላይ እንንጠራራ እያልን አይደለም፡፡ ይህ አይነት ፍላጎት የለንም፡፡ ለዚህ ህዝብ እንስራ ነው እያልን ያለነው፡፡”
    (የኦሮሚያ ፕሬዚዳንት አቶ ለማ መገርሳ፣ ከባለሀብቶች ጋራ በኦሮሞ ባህል ማዕከል ያደረጉት ውይይት ፤ሚያዝያ 12፣ 2009 ዓ.ም.)

    ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ኃይለማርያም ደሳለኝ የስራ መልቀቂያ አስገቡ

     የኢፌዴሪ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ኃይለማርያም ደሳለኝ ከሀላፊነታቸው በገዛ ፈቃዳቸው ለመነሳት መልቀቂያ አስገቡ።

    አቶ ኃይለማርያም ዛሬ በሰጡት መግለጫ፥ መልቀቂያቸውን ለኢፌዴሪ የህዝብ ተወካዮች ምክር ቤት ማስገባታቸውን እና ምክር ቤቱም ጥያቄያቸውን ይቀበላል ብለው እንደሚያምኑ ገልፀዋል።

    ከደኢህዴን ሊቀመንበርነት ለመነሳት ለንቅናቄው ስራ አስፈፃሚ ኮሚቴ አቅርበው እንደተቀበላቸው እና ይህም ለማዕከላዊ ኮሚቴ ቀርቦ ይፀድቃል ብለው እንደሚጠብቁ ነው የተናገሩት።

    ከኢህአዴግ ሊቀመንበርነት ለመነሳት ያቀረቡት ጥያቄም በኢህአዴግ ስራ አስፈፃሚ ኮሚቴ ተቀባይነት ማግኘቱን የገለጹ ሲሆን፥ ለግንባሩ ምክር ቤት መልቀቂያ ማስገባታቸውንም አስታውቀዋል።

    አቶ ኃይለማርያም በሀገሪቱ ለተከሰተው ችግር መፍትሄ ለመስጠት የቻሉትን ማድረጋቸውን ተናግረው፥ አሁን ስልጣን የሚለቁትም የችግሩ መፍትሄ መሆን ስለፈለጉ እንደሆነ ተናግረዋል።

    የስልጣን ሽግግር እስከሚደረግ ድረስም በስራቸው እንደሚቀጥሉ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ኃይለማርያም ገልፀዋል።
    የሀገሪቱ ህዝቦች በተለይም ደግሞ ወጣቶች ሀገሪቱ የምትታወቅበትን ሰላምና ልማት ለማስቀጠል የድርሻቸውን እንዲወጡ አደራ አስተላልፈዋል።

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    ለነጋሶ 30ሺህ ብር? /የሁለቱ ዶክተሮች ወግ

    ለነጋሶ 30ሺህ ብር? /የሁለቱ ዶክተሮች ወግ

    ዶ/ር ነጋሶ 30 ሺህ ብር እንዲከፈላቸው የዶ/ር ዓብይ አሕመድ መሥሪያ ቤት ወስኗል የሚለው ዜና ሰሞኑን መነጋገሪያ ነበር፡፡የዶ/ር ዓብይ መሥሪያቤት ማለት ኦሕዴድ ነው፡፡ለ10 ቀናት በአዳማ ጉባኤ ያካሄደው ኦሕዴድ ለዶክተሩ ሕክምናና መኪናም እንዲያገኙ ይደረጋል ብሏል፡፡3ሺ ብር በማይሞላ የጡረታ ገንዘብ፣ ኑሯቸውን ሲገፉ የነበሩት ዶክተር ነጋሶ አሁን 30ሺህ ብር ወርሃዊ ደመወዝ ያገኛሉ፡፡ይህ ትልቅ ተግባር ነው፡፡ግን ሒደቱ ሕጋዊ ነው ወይ…? ኦሕዴድስ ይህንን ለማድረግ ያስገደደው ሞራል ነው ወይስ ሕግ? የሚለው ያከራክረናል፡፡

    ነጋሶ ለምንና መቼ ከኢሕአዴግ/ኦሕዴድ ወጡ?
    ዶ/ር ነጋሶ በሽግግሩ ወቅት ለአንድ ዓመት የሰራተኛና ማኅራዊ ጉዳይ በኋላም የማስታወቂያ ሚኒስትር ነበሩ፡፡ ከዚያም የአገሪቱ ፕሬዚዳንት ሆነው በአሁኑ ሕገመንግሥት ላይ ፊርማቸውን አስቀመጡ፡፡በዚህ ሥልጣናቸውም እስከ መስከረም 28-1998 ዓ.ም. ድረስ ቆዩ፡፡በዘመኑ የነበረው የሕወሓት ክፍፍል ገፊ ምክንያት ሆነና ኢሕአዴግንና ነጋሶንም ሆድ አባባሳቸው፡፡

    ነጋሶን በአንጃው ደጋፊ መጠርጠር ተጀመረ፡፡የሁለቱን ጀኔራሎች (የፃድቃንና የአበበ) መነሳትም ሕገወጥ ነው ብለው ዶ/ር ነጋሶ በመጠየቃቸው ከሊቀመንበሩ ጋር አላስማማቸውም፡፡ከኢሕአዴግ የመልቀቃቸው ዋና ምክንያት ግን አይደለም፡፡

    በ1993 ዓ.ም ከሰኔ 10 ጀምሮ የኢሕአዴግ ም/ቤት ጉባኤ ተካሂዶ ነበር፡፡በወቅቱ የቀድሞው ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር መለስ ዜናዊ ነበሩ-ጉባኤውን የመሩት፡፡በጉባኤው ላይም አቶ መለስ ኢትዮጵያ የምትከተለው ርዕዮት ነጭ ካፒታሊዝም መሆኑን፣አገሪቱ ከግሎባላይዜሽን ምን እንደምትጠቀም፣ እንደ ሞዴል የምትከተላቸው ሃገራትም እነ ኮሪያ እንደሆኑ አብራሩ፡፡

    ይህ ዶ/ር ነጋሶን ጨምሮ ጥቂት የማይባሉ የም/ቤቱን አባላት አበሳጨ፡፡ደ/ር ነጋሶ አቶ መለስን አታለኸናል አሏቸው፡፡እኛ ኢሕአዴግን ያመንው አብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲን የሚያራምድ ድርጅትና ለላብ አደሩ የቆመ መስሎን ነው፡፡እንዴት እንዲህ ይደረጋል ሲሉ ተከራከሩ፡፡አቶ መለስም ለወዛደር መቆም የሚባለው ጉዳይ ከ1983 ወዲህ የኢሕአዴግ መርህ መሆኑ እንዳበቃለት ተናገሩ፡፡ይህ የሆነው ሐሙስ ቀን ሰኔ 14-1993 ዓ.ም ነበር፡፡

    በዚያኑ ዕለት ማታ በኦሮሚያ ፕሬዚዳንት ጽ/ቤት የኦሕዴድ ማዕከላዊ ኮሚቴ ስብሰባ ተካሄደ፡፡በጉባኤው ላይ የሙሰኛ ባለሥልጣናት ጉዳይ ተነሳ፡፡ ዶ/ር ነጋሶ ‹‹የወንድምህን ልጅ ከአሜሪካ አምጥተህ በዲንሾ ውስጥ አስቀጥረኻል፤ልጅህም ከደምቢ ዶሎ መጥታ ኦሮሚያ ፋይናንስ ቢሮ የተቀጠረችው ባንተ ምክንያት ነው›› የሚል ክስ ቀረበባቸው፡፡ተበሳጩ፡፡

    ደምቢ ዶሎ ልጅ እንደሌላቸውና የወንድማቸውን ልጅም ያመጡት እነ ሶፊያን መሆናቸውን ቢከራከሩም የሚያሳምኑት ሰው አልተገኘም፡፡ኢሕአዴግ በርዕዮተ-ዓለም አታለለኝ ብለው ሲበግኑ የከረሙት ዶ/ሩ አሁን ደግሞ በኒፖቲዝም (ሙስና) በመወንጀላቸው ተቃጠሉ፡፡ሌሊቱን እንቅልፍ ሳይተኙ ሲንጎራደዱ አደሩ፡፡

    ጠዋት ለባለቤታቸው አማከሩ፡፡‹‹ኢሕአዴግን ልለቀው›› ነው አሏቸው፡፡ሚስትዮዋ ፈቀዱ፡፡የኢሕአዴግ ም/ቤት ስብሰባ ቀጥሏል፡፡ዶ/ር ነጋሶ አዳራሹ ውስጥ የተገኙት ግን ለስንብት መሆኑን ማንም አያውቅም፡፡ድንገት እጃቸውን አውጥተው ‹‹እኔ የኢሕአዴግ አካሔድ ስላልተስማማኝና ሕሊናዬ ስላልፈቀደ ከዛሬ ጀምሮ ከኢሕአዴግ ሥራ አስፈጻሚም ሆነ ም/ቤት ወጥቻለሁ›› አሉ፡፡ዕለቱ አርብ ሰኔ 15-1993 ዓ.ም ረፋድ ላይ ነበር!!

    እነሆ ከዚያን ጊዜ ጀምሮም ኢሕአዴግና ነጋሶ ሰማኒያ ቀደዱ፡፡የፕሬዚዳንት ዘመናቸው ሊጠናቀቅ ግን ሁለት ወር ይቀረው ነበር፡፡ነሀሴ 1993 ዓ.ም የኢፌዴሪ ፕሬዚዳንትነት ዘመናቸው ስድስት ዓመት ሞላ፡፡ሥልጣናቸው አለቀ፡፡ መስከረም 28-1994 ዓ.ም ከሰዓት በኋላ ቤተመንግሥቱንም በትረሥልጣኑንም ለአቶ ግርማ ወ/ጊዮርጊስ አስረክበው ወጡ፡፡
    የአዋጇ ነገር፣…

    ዶ/ር ነጋሶ በቀድሞ ፕሬዚዳንትነታቸው ሊያገኙት የሚገባቸውን ጥቅም የገደበችውና የደነገገችው አዋጅ 255/94 ትሰኛለች፡፡አዋጇ ‹‹የቀድሞ ፕሬዚዳንት ከፖለቲካ ወገንተኛነት መገለል አለበት፡፡ወገንተኛ ከሆነ ጥቅማ ጥቅሙ ይቋረጣል ትላለች››፡፡አዋጇ የጸደቀችው ደግሞ መስከረም 28-1994 ሰኞ ጠዋት (ነጋሶ ከሰዓት ሥልጣን ከማስረከባቸው በፊት ማለት ነው)!!

    አዋጇ በሁለት ምክንያት ተቀባይነት የላትም፡፡አንደኛ የወጣችበት ዕለት ሕገወጥ ነው፡፡ይቺን አዋጅ ለማውጣት ፓርላማው ሰኞ ጠዋት ነበር የተሰበሰበው፡፡ይህ ስብሰባ ሕገወጥ ነው፡፡በዓመቱ መጀመሪያ ወር (ማለትም መስከረም) የመጨረሻ ሰኞ በሁለቱ ም/ቤቶች የጋራ ስብሰባ በፕሬዚዳንቱ ሞሽን ሊከፈት የሚገባው ፓርላማ፣ ጠዋት ላይ ተሰባስቦ ከላይ የተጠቀሰችውን አዋጅ አወጣ፡፡

    ሁለተኛ በሕገ-መንግሥቱ መሠረት አንድ ፓርላማ የገባ አባል ውግንናው ለመረጠው ሕዝብ፣ለሕገ-መንግሥቱና ለኅሊናው እንደሆነ ይታወቃል፡፡ዶ/ር ነጋሶም ሆነ የትኛውም ፕሬዚዳንት ግን ፖለቲካዊ ውግንና ማድረግን በአዋጅ ተከለከለ፡፡እርሳቸው የኦሕዴድ አባል (ለኦሕዴድ በመወገናቸው) ምክንያት ፕሬዚዳንት እንደሆኑ ግን ተዘንግቷል፡፡

    የሆነው ሆኖ ሥልጣናቸውን ከለቀቁ በኋላ እስከ ሐምሌ 1-1997 ዓ.ም ድረስ ቤትም መርቸዲስና ላንድ ክሩዘርም ነበራቸው፡፡ሕክምናም ያገኙ ነበር፡፡ አትክልተኞች፣ የቤት ሰራተኞች፣ የቤቱ አስተዳዳሪና ቦዲ-ጋርዶች፣ግቢያቸውን የሚጠብቁ የፌደራል ፖሊስ አባላትም ተመድበውላቸውም ነበር፡፡ሆኖም በ1997ቱ ምርጫ በግላቸው ተወዳድረው ፓርላማ በመግባታቸው ለአራት ዓመታት ከመንግሥት የሚያገኙት ጥቅም ተቋረጠ፡፡ሠራተኞቻቸው ተበተኑ፡፡መኪኖቻቸውን ተቀሙ፡፡ቤቱ ብቻ ቀራቸው፡፡

    የሁለቱ ዶክተሮች ወግ…
    ባለፉት 13 ዓመታት ዶ/ር ነጋሶ የደረሰባቸውንና ያሳለፉትን በሙሉ ከዕለታት በአንዱ ቀን ዶ/ር ዓብይ ለተባሉት የኦሕዴድ ጽ/ቤት ኃላፊ ዘረዘሩ፡፡ሁለቱ ዶ/ሮች ዘለግ ላሉ ደቂቃዎች ተነጋገሩ፡፡ዶ/ር ነጋሶ ጥቅማቸውን ለማስመለስ ኦሕዴድ ሊያግዛቸው ይችል እንደሆነ ጠየቁ፡፡ዶ/ር ዓብይም ተነጋግረን አሳውቅዎታለሁ ብለው ወደ ጽ/ቤታቸው ተመለሱ፡፡

    ከዚያም በጥር-2010 የመጨረሻ ሳምንታት ላይ ኦሕዴድ በማዕከላዊ ኮሚቴው አማካኝነት ለስብሰባ ተቀመጠ፡፡ውሳኔም አሳለፈ፡፡ለነጋሶ መኪና እንዲሰጣቸው፤30ሺህ ብር ወርሃዊ ደሞዝ እንዲከፈላቸው፣ከዚያ በፊትም ጠቀም ያለ የኪስ ገንዘብ እንዲሰጣቸው በአብላጫ ድምጽ ወሰነ፡፡ውሳኔው ተግባራዊ ሆነ፡፡

    ዶ/ር ነጋሶ ከኦሕዴድ የተፈቀደላቸው ጥቅማ ጥቅም የፌደራል መንግሥቱ የከላከላቸውን ነው፡፡ ኦሕዴድ ይህንን ሲያደርግ አዋጅ 255/94ን ስላለመጣሱ የሕግ ባለሙያዎች ሊከራከሩበት ይችላሉ፡፡ይህ ውሳኔ በ1994 ሲወሰን ግን ኦሕዴድ አንዱ ወሳኝ ነበር፡፡ዛሬ በጓሮ በር ለምን ይህንን መንገድ እንደመረጠ የኦሕዴድ እግዜር ነው-የሚያውቀው፡፡ዶ/ር ነጋሶም የኔ ጉዳይ ከድርጅት በላይ ነው፤ጥቅሜን የቀማኝ የፌደራሉ ፓርላማ ነው ብለዋል፡፡

    የሆነው ሆኖ ነጋሶ ይገባቸዋል፡፡የአገር መሪ ሆኖ ስልጣን ከለቀቀ በኋላ በጡረታ ገንዘብ ብቻ የኖረ፣ተቸግሮ በአውቶቡስ የሄደ፣ለሕክምናና ለቀለብ ከልጁና ከሚስቱ ዘመድ ገንዘብ እየተበደረ ሕይወቱን ለ13 ዓመታት የገፋ የመጀመሪያው ኢትዮጵያዊ በመሆን ዶ/ር ነጋሶ ጊዳዳ ይመዘገባሉ፡

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      “ማዕከላዊ ተዘጋ” … አሉ? … እሰይ!!
        …እስር ቤትማ ማለት
    የሰው የራሱ ሃሳብ ነው፣
    ከዐዋቂዎች መልስ ገልብጦ
    ‹ፈተና ማለፍ› የቻለው፡፡
    እስር ቤትማ ማለት
    አዙሮ ማየት እያቃተው፣
    በራሱ እስካልደረሰ - የሌሎች ህመም ‘ማይገባው፣
    የሚኖር እየመሰለ
    በየቀኑ የሚሞት ነው፡፡
    እስር ቤትማ ማለት
    የህሊናው መብራት ጠፍቶ፣
    ውድቅት መንፈሱ ውስጥ ደርቶ፣
    በጠራራ፣ በብራ
    በቀን ብርሃን ‘ሚደናቀፍ፣
    ራሱ ከራሱ ሸሽቶ፣
    ራሱን ከራሱ አውጥቶ፣
    ከጨቋኝ ጉያ ‘ሚወትፍ!!
    ወዳጄ፤ እስር ቤት … ግንብና ብረት፣ ካቴናና ሰንሰለት ብቻ አይደለም፡፡ ጨቋኝ መንግስታት ባሉበት ቦታ … አገር፣ ከተማና መንደር እስር ቤት ይሆናሉ፡፡ ከቤትህ ወጥተህ፣ እስክትመጣ ተመልሰህ ጥላና ጭራ (tail and shadow) ይበጅልሃል፡፡ … ያውም በቴክስትና በምልክት ታጅበህ!!
     ግድግዳና ጣሪያ፣ የብረት በርና መስኮት የሌለው፣ ዘበኛና ቆጥ ሰፋሪ እማይጠብቀው፣ ሽንት ለመሽናት ፍቃድ የማያስፈልገው ትበልቅና ዋና እስር ቤት ደግሞ አለ - ‹አለማሰብ› የሚባል!!
    ወዳጄ፤ መስኮቶቹን ሁሉ ከፍተህ ዓለምን በተለያየ አቅጣጫ ማየት ካልቻልክ በገዛ ሃሳብህ ታስረሃል!! … ነፃነትህ በውስጥህ ታቃስታለች!! … ታጣጥራለች!! … ተጠያቂው አንተና ሃሳብህ ናችሁ። የታሰርክባቸውን ሃሳቦች በጥሰህ ካልጣልካቸው ለነፍስህ እዳ እያቆየህላት ነው፡፡ አሽቀንጥረህ ከጣልካቸው ግን ራስህን በራስህ ካሰርክበት ጉዳይ ትፈታለህ፡፡
    “ሰዎች ነፃ ነን ብለው ያስባሉ፡፡ ምክኒያቱም በመኖር ጉጉት፣ ፍላጎትና ምኞት ስለተጠመዱ ወደ ውስጣቸው አይመለከቱም፡፡ ያልገባቸውና ያጡት ነገር … ፍላጎታቸውና ምኞታቸው ሊያናውዛቸው የቻለበትን ምክንያት ነው፡፡ “Men think themselves free because they are conscious of their valiations and desires, but are ignorant of the causes by which they are led to wish and desire.” የሚለን ባራክ ስፒኖዛ ነው፡፡
    ወዳጄ፤ ጨምድደው ከያዙንና ከተጣድንባቸው አጓጉል ሃሳቦች ስንላቀቅ እፎይታና እረፍት ይኖረናል። በምትካቸውም “ዕውነት” ብለን ለምንቀበላቸው ሁሉን አቀፋዊ፣ ውብ፣ ሰዋዊና ዘመናዊ ሃሳቦች ቦታ (room) እናመቻችላቸዋለን። በነዚህ ሃሳቦች በኩልም የሌሎች ሰዎች የተሳሳቱ አመለካከቶችን ማረቅ የምንችል ይመስለኛል፡፡
    “ሃሳብን የምታሸንፈው በተሻለ ሀሳብ እንጂ በጉልበት አይደለም” (Minds are conquered not by arms but by the greatness of the soul” … በማለት የፃፈልንም እሱ ራሱ ነው - ስፒኖዛ!
    ጥላቻ የፍራሃትና የበታችነት ስሜት ውጤት ነው ይባላል፡፡ ጥቃትን በጥቃት መመለስ አድሮ ውሎ ይፀፅታል፡፡ አፀፋውን ፍቅር በመስጠት ማሸነፍ ግን ትልቅነት ነው፡፡ ደስታና በራስ የመተማመን ፀጋንም ያጎናጽፋል፡፡
    ወዳጄ፤ ነፃነት ማለት ዕውቀት፣ ዕውቀት ደግሞ ራስን መሆን፣ ራስን መሆን ደግሞ መንቃት፣ መንቃት ደግሞ የሌሎችን መብት ሳይነኩ የራስን አለማስደፈር፣ ለጨቋኝ ስርዓትና ኢ-ፍትሃዊነት አለመንበርከክ ይመስለኛል፡፡ ጤነኛ ሰው በስሜት ህዋሳቶቹ በኩል ወደ አእምሮው የሚደርሰውን መልዕክት አላውቅም ካለ፣ ያፈጠጠ፣ ያገጠጠ ነገርን ላለማየት ፊቱን ካዞረ …ሊያብል የተኛ እንደሚባለው ዳተኛ ሆኗል ማለት ነው፡፡
    ልጆች ሆነን ስናጠፋ “ጥሩ አይደለም እንዳይደገም ተብለን” እንገሰፃለን፡፡ ጥፋት መሆኑን እያወቅን ስንደጋግመውና እኛኑ መልሶ ሲጎዳን የተመለከቱ ዘመዶቻችን “አንጎለ ቢስ” ይሉን ነበር። ወዳጄ፡- “አንጎለ ቢስ” ሆኖ መኖር ይቻላል ማለት ነው?
    ቁም ነገሩን እናቆየውና … ሰውየው ቅዠት ቢያስቸግረው ጭንቅላቱን ለመታከም ሃኪም ጋ ሄደ አሉ፡፡ ሃኪሙም መረመረውና፤ “ቀዶ ጥገና ያስፈልግሃል፣ ጭንቅላትህ ተፈቶ ቆሻሻው መጠረግ አለበት” አለው፡፡ ሰውየው ተስማማና ጭንቅላቱ ተፈትቶ ተጠረገለት፡፡ ሐኪሙን አመስግኖ ወጣ። ሐኪሙ መሳሪያዎቹን ሲሰበስብ ከመሃል የሰውየውን አንጎል አገኘ፡፡ ይደነግጥና ሰውየው በሄደበት እየሮጠ፤
    “ና! ና! ተመለስ! ተመለስ!” እያለ ሲጣራ … ሰውየው ዞር ብሎ፡-
    “ምነው? ለምን?” በማለት ይጠይቀዋል፡፡
    ሐኪሙም “ይቅርታ! አንጎልህን ረስቼ አላስገባሁትም” አለው፡፡
    “ተወው አልፈልገውም! ወታደርነት ልቀጠር ነው የምሄደው” አለ አሉ አጅሬው፡፡ ይቺ የድሮ ቀልድ ከቅርብ ዓመታት ወዲህ ‹ወታደር› በሚለው ፋንታ ‹ፌደራል ፖሊስ› በሚለው ተተክታለች። ይቺ ቀልድ ከላይ ለተነሳው ጥያቄ “አዎ … ‹ኑሮ› ከተባለ አንጎለ ቢስ ሆኖ መኖር ይቻላል” የሚል መልስ ትመስላለች፡፡ ትስማማለህ ወዳጄ?
    በጃኩሊን ትሪሜር በተፃፈው “አፍሪካዊ ፍልስፍና” መጽሃፍ ውስጥ ስለ አፈጣጠር (creation myth) የተጠቀሰው እንዲህ ይላል፡-
    ናይጄሪያና አካባኒው በሚኖሩ የዩሩባ ጎሳዎች እምነትና ፍልስፍና አንድን ሰው ‹ሰው› የሚያሰኘው ኦሪ (Ori) ወይም አንጎል (Inner head) ነው፡፡ ዕጣ ፈንታችንም በሱ ይወሰናል ብለው ያምናሉ፡፡ ዩሩባዎች ሰው ሆነው ወደ ምድር ከመውረዳቸው በፊት ካንገት በላይ ያለውን አካላቸውን ጭንቅላት ሰሪው (potter of heads) ኦጃላ ጋ በመሄድ ያሰራሉ፡፡
    ኦጃላ ግድ የለሽና ባካና ነው፡፡ ለስራው የሚከፈለውንና ቀብድ የሚቀበለውን ገንዘብ እየረጨ ብድር ተቆልሎበታል፡፡ በዚህ የተነሳ አበዳሪዎቹን ለመደበቅ ሲሸሽ የሚጠፈጥፈው ጭንቅላት በአብዛኛው እርጥብ፣ ሞላላ ወይ እሳት በዝቶበት ያረረ ስለሚሆን ደንበኞቹ ይማረሩበት ነበር፡፡ ለኦጃላ ብዙ ገንዘብ የሚሰጡ ብቻ ምድር ላይ የተመቸ ኑሮ የሚያኖር አናት ይዘው ይመጣሉ ይባላል፡፡
    ወዳጄ፤ በነዚህ መስመሮች መሃል ምድር ላይ ብዙዎቹ ጥቂቶች ሰርተው በሚጭኑባቸው ሃሳብ፣ ህግና ስርዓት ይተዳደራሉ፡፡ ብዙሃኑ በሚከፍሉት ግብር ጥቂቶቹ ይወስናሉ፡፡ ጥቂቶቹ በሚጭሩት ጦርነት ብዙኃኑ ይማገዳሉ፡፡ ጥቂቶቹ በሚፈጥሩት የስራ ዕድል ብዙኃኑ ለዳቦ ይናከሳሉ፡፡ ጥቂቶቹ በሚያወሩላቸው ተረት፣ በሚከውኑላቸው ድራማ፣ በሚያዜሙላቸው ዘፈንና ቀረርቶዎች ብዙኃኑ ይታደማሉ፣ ይጨፍራሉ … የሚል ይነበባል፡፡ ዞሮ ዞሮ ጥቂት ባለ ገንዘቦች ብዘኃኑን አስረው ጠፍረው እያረሱበት ነው ለማለት ይመስላል፡፡
    “ሰው ነፃ ሆኖ ቢወለድም ባለበት ቦታ ሁሉ እንደታሰረ ነው፡፡ (Man is born free but every where he is in chain) የሚለን ጂን ጃኩዊስ ሩሶ ነው፡፡
    “ማዕከላዊ ተዘጋ” አሉ? …

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