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  • By Yigal Chazan

    While the upheavals of 2016 unnerved foreign investors, the economy continues to grow apace.

    Ethiopia appears to have withstood last year’s anti-government protests to become the world’s fastest-growing economy, but political reforms promised in the wake of the violence have been dismissed by international rights campaigners as “largely cosmetic” raising questions over the long-term stability of Africa’s second most populous state.

    Investors were rattled by the turmoil in the Oromia and Amhara regions during which hundreds of protesters died and foreign- and state-owned enterprises were attacked. Foreign direct investment dropped by a fifth to $1.2 billion in the six months to December – the government paying out millions of dollars in compensation and offering tax relief to affected businesses.

    A senior official said in February that while no planned foreign investment projects had been cancelled, the government’s FDI target of $3.5 billion for the year was unlikely to be met, with investors adopting a “wait-and-see attitude”. A state of emergency introduced in October – and extended for four months in March – has stabilized the country, restoring a degree of confidence in the economy. But investors’ faith in the government’s ability to maintain law and order has been shaken.

    Last month, despite the economic disruption, Ethiopia was ranked as the fastest-growing economy in 2017 by the World Bank and has overtaken regional rival Kenya to head East Africa’s GDP league table, thanks largely to high levels of public spending and robust domestic demand. These are significant achievements for a country that not so long ago was synonymous with drought and famine. The recent violence, however, underlines the fragility of Ethiopia’s progress.

     

     

     

    Under the authoritarian leadership of the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), which seized power twenty-five years ago, the ethnically diverse country has undergone accelerated, Chinese-style development, averaging double-digit growth over the last decade.  There has been considerable public investment in infrastructure, power generation and education, while foreign investment has increased ten-fold from $265 million in 2005 to $2.16 billion in 2015. The government is focusing on building up the country’s manufacturing base and agribusiness sector in an effort to achieve its goal of middle-income status by 2025. It is an ambitious target, given that most of the population still depends on subsistence farming, and more than a third live below the poverty line.

    Those yet to benefit from the country’s rapid development bridle at corruption, limited job opportunities, the absence of political freedoms and the dominant role in government of the Tigrayan minority. The sparks that triggered last year’s upheaval were plans – later shelved – to expand the capital Addis Ababa into land belonging to the Oromo, the largest ethnic group. Protests, which began in late 2015, quickly escalated and spread north to the Amhara region, morphing into anti-government unrest.

     

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    The authorities cracked down heavily on the demonstrations, imposed a state of emergency and stifled dissent. Thousands of protesters were detained in “rehabilitation camps” and one of the country’s most prominent opposition leaders, Merera Gudina, is facing terrorism charges. He was arrested last December for criticising the state of emergency. In May, opposition politician Yonatan Tesfaye received a six-and-a-half-year prison sentence for encouraging terrorism. He was detained after criticizing the government, just as the protests in Oromia region were gaining momentum.

    In an effort to reduce tensions, the authorities have eased the state of emergency, vowed to both undertake reforms and engage in dialogue with opposition parties to address their grievances. In a government reshuffle in November, nine Oromo representatives were appointed to the cabinet – two given prominent roles – while a more representative electoral system has been promised. Currently, the EPRDF controls all the seats in the 547-member parliament.

    But critics say the government is failing to deliver on its pledges. In March Human Rights Watch dismissed steps taken so far as “largely cosmetic”. It said they “fell dramatically short” of the protesters’ calls for the protection of basic human rights. In May, Zeid Ra’ad al-Hussein, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, quoted in the Financial Times, warned that “social pressure will build to a point where dramatic things will happen” unless the country becomes more democratic.

    Western powers have put little pressure on Ethiopia because it is a reliable partner in the war against Islamists in the Horn of Africa and has long been an island of stability in an otherwise volatile region. For now, the government appears to be prioritizing economic development over political reform, forging ahead with efforts to turn the country into a low-cost manufacturing hub. As part of plans to create tens of thousands of jobs a year, it aims to build 16 industrial parks around the country. The plants will benefit from a recently launched Chinese-funded electrified railway line to the port of Djibouti, boosting Ethiopia’s export potential.

    The country clearly hopes to buy social peace through development, but its job-creation efforts may struggle to keep pace with its fast-expanding workforce. The World Bank estimates that about 600,000 Ethiopians enter the labour market every year. In order to give itself a chance of meeting this demand, the government must seek to maintain stability. State- and foreign-owned businesses were deliberately targeted in the recent unrest, and once the state of emergency is lifted they may again be in the firing line if political grievances are not properly addressed.

     

    Yigal Chazan is an Associate at Alaco, a London-based business intelligence consultancy.

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    By Etenesh Abera

    Following days of defiance by small business owners in Oromia regional state and in the capital Addis Abeba against the newly introduced presumptive tax system, Kebede Chane, Director General of the Ethiopian Revenue and Customs Authority (ECRA), said the government was now scraping its implementation.

    The revised presumptive tax system concerns category 'C' tax payers, which consists small businesses with an annual turnover of up to 100,000 Birr. It was conducted by ECRA in collaboration with the Ministry of Finance and Economic Cooperation (MoFEC) and has come into effect as of the end of the fiscal year on July 07, 2017.

    However, the latest presumptive tax system saw disproportional tax amounts levied on small businesses. It was introduced after hundreds of tax assessors visited these businesses and came up with their tax estimates.

    Letters sent from ERCA to small businesses in Addis Abeba, as well as those in Oromia state show that traders of small businesses such as street side coffee vendors, barbers, internet cafes and small kiosks were asked to pay annual taxes as high as 50, 000 birr and in some instances more.

    ~~Kebede Chane of ERCA told the Amharic biweekly The Reporter that micro business owners including barbers/hair dressers, tailors, laborers, and street coffee vendors will be encouraged to pay "what they agree to pay". He further said that authorities were reviewing complaints submitted by these businesses in order to consider scarping the taxes. The government would be happy if those sections of the society were simply self-reliant, the paper paraphrased the head of ERCA.

    The new presumptive tax assessment was met with fury as small business owners in several cities and towns in Oromia regional state, which applied the same technique, and in parts of Addis Abeba, closed their businesses in protest. While majority of these business owners protested the move by simply shutting their shops, a few instances, such as the one in Ambo city, 120 kms west of the capital Addis Abeba, have seen protesters damage two state owned vehicles on Thursday July 13.

    Kebede's statement stands in sharp contrast to that of Nestanet Abera, ERCA deputy director for Addis Abeba tax division, who, on July 05, told journalists that the confusion was rather due to lack of understanding than the amounts levied. "We have not imposed such taxes. The confusion is due to lack of understanding and the tendency of considering daily incomes as taxes," Netsanet said, "our assessments were based on fairness and are appropriate."

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    The Ethiopian Government has established a new Aviation Holding Group with various diversified aviation strategic business units to boost service delivery and increase competitiveness.

    The units include Ethiopian Airports Enterprises, Passenger Airline, Cargo Airline and Logistics Company, Ethiopian Aviation Academy, Ethiopian Inflight Catering Services, Ethiopian MRO Services, Ethiopian Hotel and Tourism Services.

    Accordingly, the Ethiopian Airports Enterprise has joined the new Aviation Group to leverage the strong synergies that naturally exist among the group member companies.

    The new Group Structure will allow all the fully owned companies to pursue shared long term vision and common planning platform while they provide high quality global standard services to their mutual customers. The Ethiopian Airports Company will maintain its internal autonomy, its own brand, and its functions playing an important and central role to integrate the services of all stakeholders such as airlines, immigration services, customs, security services, ground handlers and others to ensure that all provide global standard airport services to the end customer, the passenger.

    The passenger satisfaction will be the most important focus of all service providers and global standard key performance indicators will be given to all stakeholders which will measure the standards. The ultimate aim is to upgrade the customer experience at the airport to meet global standard and thereby making ADD airport the best connecting hub in Africa.

     Ethiopian Airlines Group CEO, Tewolde GebreMariam, said “ We are all delighted that the Ethiopian Government took an important decision in paving the way for the formation of the Ethiopian Aviation Group as a holding company in line with international best practices which will enable to transform all airports in Ethiopia to upgrade their services to global standards by leveraging the synergy with the successful business model and strategy of Ethiopian Airlines which is now the best airline group in Africa.

    Passengers’ overall experience is a combined effect of the services rendered both on-board their flight and the provisions at the airports they pass through. Hence, availability of a seamless customer focused service defines the rule of the game in today’s hyper competitive airline industry. The new formation will create common direction and strong synergy to improve services by eliminating waste and redundant activities.”

    Mr. Tewodros Dawit, CEO Ethiopian Airports Enterprise, said: “The group formation is a step forward to improve the competitiveness of the Ethiopian Airlines Hub by taking advantage of the proven record of fast and sustainable growth strategy. The new structure will help the Ethiopian Airport Enterprise to formulate integrated strategy to provide global standard services to all users allowing Ethiopia to continue its aviation leadership in Africa.”

    Ethiopian Airlines is successfully implementing its fifteen years strategic growth plan, Vision 2025, being fastest growing and profitable airline availing the required infrastructure, fleet, System and Human capital that could complement its long-term strategic plan. With unrivalled efficiency and operational excellence, Ethiopian is currently playing an impeccable role in the nation’s economic development endeavours, export and import activities and foreign exchange earnings.

     Commanding the lion share of the Pan-African passenger and cargo network with the youngest and most modern fleet, Ethiopian flies to more than 100 international passenger and cargo destinations across five continents.

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    ETHIOPIA - The Ethiopian Meat & Dairy Industry Development Institute reported that the country generated 104 million dollars from meat, honey, wax, fodder products, and milk and dairy exports during the recently ended fiscal year.

    Currently, a total of 579 industries, of which 468 are established by local investors, engage in meat and dairy production.

    Out of the total investments, 186 are engaged in meat and fodder processing, 279 industries in milk and dairy processing, 65 in honey and wax processing, and 49 industries in fodder processing.

    According to AllAfrica, during the year, the total export amount was 20,525tn of meat and dairy products.

    In 2016, a total of 19,892tn of meat and dairy products were exported and generated 102 million dollars.

    Ethiopia is known for its huge amount of cattle resources in the world, having 57 million cattle, 29.33 million sheep, 29.11 million goats, 1.16 million camels, and 56.87 million chickens.

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    Painful memoriesItaly and the Addis Ababa massacre

    For Italians, it was a garden-variety colonial atrocity. For Ethiopians it was a modern war crime

    By Ian Campbell. Hurst; 478 pages; £30. To be published in America by Oxford University Press in August.

    NEAR the village of Affile, on a picturesque hillside east of Rome, stands a monument, unveiled in 2012 and built with public funds, to Rodolfo Graziani, one of Mussolini’s most brilliant generals. He was a key figure in Italy’s brutal campaigns in Africa in the decade before the second world war.

    Inside a roundabout in Addis Ababa lies another monument. This giant obelisk, perhaps the Ethiopian capital’s finest piece of public art, was donated by Josip Tito, then president of Yugoslavia, in 1955. Six bronze reliefs depict a massacre, the worst in Ethiopian history, carried out by Italian forces during the occupation of 1936-41 while Graziani was viceroy of Italy’s new colony. According to the Ethiopian government, some 30,000 Ethiopians died during the campaign of terror in February 1937.

    Official Italian estimates usually number between 600 and 2,000, but they are certainly much too low. The most plausible figure, argues Ian Campbell in the first comprehensive account of the massacre, may be 20,000. In Italy Graziani’s great crime is seen as little more than a typical European colonial atrocity—no worse than the British at Amritsar, for instance, where 1,000 people (according to India’s count) were slaughtered in 1919.

    But, as Mr Campbell’s meticulous work makes plain, this was no typical colonial atrocity. After a failed attempt on Graziani’s life, the Italians’ bloody revenge lasted three days. Led by the local “Blackshirts”—Mussolini’s paramilitaries, officially granted carta bianca—regular soldiers, carabinieri and perhaps more than half of Addis Ababa’s Italian civilians took part. In this ghoulish massacre, witnesses reported crushed babies, disembowelled pregnant women and the burning of entire families.

    Mr Campbell argues that this was a methodical effort to wipe out Ethiopian resistance to Italian rule, more like later Nazi war crimes than earlier colonial massacres. He charges both Graziani and the local Fascist Party leader, Guido Cortese, with personal responsibility. Though unconscious when the killing began, Graziani took control of the subsequent reprisal executions, aimed in particular at eliminating the Ethiopian nobility and intelligentsia.

    Graziani was never prosecuted for crimes in Africa, though he was convicted for collaboration with the Nazis and briefly imprisoned. Britain, wary of setting awkward precedents, played an outsized role in sheltering Italians with blood on their hands. Mr Campbell cites a telegram written by Winston Churchill to his ambassador in Rome in 1944, instructing him to protect Marshal Badoglio, Italian commander of the Ethiopian northern front, who used poison gas, and is considered the top war criminal by Ethiopia.

    Italy was never forced to reckon with Fascism as Germany was with Nazism. Few post-war Italian historians ever tackled the massacre. Those that did were often denounced as unpatriotic. Angelo Del Boca, writing in the 1960s, was accused by the Italian army of being a “liar” for his research on Graziani’s crimes. When “Lion of the Desert”—a film depicting his actions in Libya—was released in 1981, it was soon banned, for damaging the honour of the Italian army. To this day Italian schoolchildren are not taught about the Addis Ababa massacre. Graziani is little known; his sins even less so. Mr Campbell’s book will be welcomed by the Ethiopian government, which has long argued that its citizens deserve an apology.

    This article appeared in the Books and arts section of the print edition under the headline "Hearing their cries"

     

    source: .economist.com

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    The Ministry of Foreign Affairs disclosed that over 130,000 undocumented Ethiopians get their final exit visa from Saudi Arabia up to Tuesday 18 July, 2017.

    The Ministry further stated over 60,000 have already been returned to their country in the aforementioned period.

    Foreign Affairs State Minister Dr. Aklilu Hailemichael told The Ethiopian Herald that the government and other stakeholders have been actively engaged for the speedy return of undocumented citizens from Saudi Arabia before the 30-day extended amnesty period expires on July 24,2017.

     

    The State Minister, who is also the Chairperson of the National Task Force for Saudi Returnees, indicated that Saudi Arabian Airlines joins efforts of the Ethiopian flag carrier in the repatriation process.

    Dr. Aklilu called on the remaining undocumented citizens to leave the country during the extended grace period that enables them to be exempted from fines and consequences associated with the deportee fingerprint system that bars their opportunity to return to Saudi Arabia legally.

    It was recalled in response to Prime Minister Hailemariam request, Saudi Arabia's King Salman bin Abdulaziz issued additional 30-days of grace period effective Sunday June 25, 2017.

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    Since 2012, an invasive weed known as the water hyacinth has been subsuming tens of thousands of acreage of the surface of Lake Tana, as well as adjacent wetlands and ranches surrounding the lake.

    About two million Ethiopians directly depend on the lake as well as adjacent wetlands and ranches for their livelihood, according to Nature And Biodiversity Conservation Union (NABU), a German non-governmental organization focused on sustainability and conservation in the region. The steady growth of the water hyacinth has taken a toll, particularly on the western side of the lake, an area populated by fishermen, farmers, and ranchers whose work depends on it.

    The vast, 832-square-mile body of water is Ethiopia's largest lake, and is packed with ecological, cultural and historical charm. It is situated in the highlands of Ethiopia’s second-largest region, Amhara administrative state.

    Ecologically, Lake Tana is home to rare and endangered bird species such as the black-crowned crane and also hosts several migratory birds.

    Lake Tana is also notable for being the headwaters of the Blue Nile river that flows westward before it merges with White Nile at Khartoum, Sudan’s Capital.

    The Blue and White Nile are the two major tributaries of world’s longest river, the Nile. Along the way, the Nile is fed by numerous smaller streams before it flows northward into Egypt, but the Nile gets more than 80 percent of its water from Blue Nile. Describing the eminence of Lake Tana, the renowned adventurer and geophysicist Pasquale Scaturro said, “The riches of Egypt is a gift from Lake Tana.”

    Now, the lake is a very different symbol — of the dire state of Ethiopia’s natural resources at a time when the country’s fast-growing population needs more of everything.

    When first spotted in 2012, the massive water hyacinth blooms were first confined to areas covering about 77 square miles of the shallow water and shores of the lake around its western edges. Since then, the floating weed has grown rapidly, devouring large swatches of the surface of the lake. As a result, the average expanse of the lake in the western province of Dembiya has steadily shrunken, residents told state media.

    According to experts who spoke to government media, the water hyacinth has grown nearly 100 percent from 2012 to about 155 square miles, though a relatively dry winter season in 2016 slowed its expansion.

    The spread of this invasive alien species is the result of human activity around Lake Tana. According to a paper written by two academicians, the rapid growth of the pernicious weed is caused by the inflow of nutrient rich water from urban and agricultural runoff and products of industrial waste, threatening other Ethiopian lakes as well such as Lake Hawasa, and Lake Zeway.

    Since 2015, UNESCO has recognized Lake Tana as a World Heritage site for its unique ecological biosphere reserve, due to NABU's efforts to secure this status as part of its conservation efforts in the region. UNESCO also recognizes the islands’ rich historical, cultural and religious significance with deep ties to the Ethiopian Coptic Orthodox Church.

    The lake is also home to historical monasteries and churches. Their relatively isolated location on islands has aided their preservation, but as the menacing water hyacinth threatens to clog the entire lake, their survival is at stake as well as the livelihoods of all who live near and depend on Lake Tana as a natural resource

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    እስላሟ ከንቲባ ጫልቱ ሳኒና አፍራሽ ፖሊሶቹ
    ለፍርድ እንዲቀርቡ ተጠተቁ
    [ ብፁዕ አቡነ ቀውስጦስ]
    *★★★*

     

    "ምናልባት በእኔ ሐጢአት ይሆናል ይኼ ነገር የተፈጸመው" " [ ብፁዕ አቡነ ቀውስጦስ]

    ★ የግፍ ጽዋው የሞላ ይመስላል.! መናቃችን መዋረዳችን ሊያበቃም ፤ የኢትዮጵያም ትንሣኤም ሊቀርብ ይመስላል ። እንዲህ ያለ መሪ እንዲህ ያለ ዳግማዊ አቡነ ጴጥሮስ ነበር ያጣነው ። ትእግስትም ሲበዛ ይመራል ። አከተመ ።

    ይኽን የብፁዕ አቡነ ቀውስጦስን ልብ የሚነካ ንግግር Share ~~ Share ~ Share በማድረግ በለገጣፎ እስላሟ ከንቲባ ወ/ሮ ጫልቱ ሳኒ እና ሠራዊቷ በ21 ኛው ክፍለ ዘመን የኢትዮጵያን ቤተክርስቲያን አፍርሰው ታቦቱን በኮንቴይነር በማስቀም እንዴት እያላገጡበት እንደሚገኙ ብፁዕነታቸው የሚያስተላልፉትን መልእክት ጉዳዩን ላልሰሙ የተዋሕዶ ልጆች እናሰማ ፣ ላላዩ እናሳይ ፣ ለጥ ብሎ ነገር ዓለሙን ረስቶ የተኛውንም እናንቃው ። Comment ~ Comment ~ በመስጠት የውስጣችንን በማውጣት እንተንፍስ ፣ እንወያይ ፣ እንመካከር ።

    ማሳሰቢያ.!

    ድራማው አስቀድሞ መጨረሻው የታወቀ ስለሆነ ፤ ማንኛውም የተዋሕዶ ልጅ አብሮ ከኖረው ፣ ክፉ ደጉን አብሮ ካሳለፈው ከጎረቤቱ ፣ ከጓደኛውና የሥራ ባልደረባው ከሆነው ሙስሊም ወንድሞቹና እህቶቹ ጋር እንዳይቀያየም አደራ ። ይሄ የመንግሥቱ ሴራና ሥራ እንጂ የሙስሊም ወንድሞቻችን እንዳልሆነ ይታወቅ ። ሙስሊሞቹማ ዛሬ ጥምቀት ዓርብ ውሏልና ክርስቲያን ወንድሞቻችን ታቦቱን በሰላም ይሸኙ ዘንድ መስጊድ እንቀይር የሚሉ ልባሞች ናቸው ። እናም እንንቃ ፣ እንዲያውም በጋራ ለመፍትሄው መንቀሳቀሻ ጊዜው አሁን ይመስለኛል ። ጫልቱ ሙስሊሙን ማኅበረሰብ ፈጽሞ አትወክልም ። አከተመ ።

    ★ ህዝብና መንግሥትን ለማጋጨት ሙስሊማ ከንቲባ ጫሉቱ ሳኒ የፈጸመችውን ግፍ እስከመጨረሻው እንደሚፋረዷት ብፁዕነታቸው ዛሬ በአቡነ ኪሮስ ክብረ በዓል ላይ ለተገኘው በሺዎች ለሚቆጠረው ከአጥቢያውና አዲስ አበባን ጨምሮ ከአጎራባች ከተሞች ለመጡት ምዕመናን ገልጸዋል ።

    ★ ሦስት ሺ ዘመን እኮ ነው እግዚአብሔርን ያመለክንበት ይኽን ታቦት ። አሁን በአልባሌ ሰዎች ፤ የሃይማኖት ልዩነት አድርገው እኛ ባስታጠቅናቸው ጠመንጃ እያስፈራሩ ፤ " ይኼ ነው እንዴ የሚያመልኩበት እያሉ ማሾፊያ አድርገው ሰንብተዋል ፤ የትም ጥለውታል ፤ ይኼን ደግሞ ወደፊት በፍርድ አደባባይ አቁመን ሳናስቀጣ እነሱን የሰጠናቸውን መሳሪያ ሳናስገፍፍ ከእኛ ጋር አይኖሩም ።

    እኔ በበኩሌ እኒያን ለጥቂት ቀናት በዚያ በአባ ፎርጅድ ኃይለማርያም ምክንያት ተጠልፈው የጠፉብኝን አንደበተ ርቱዑን ሰባኬ ወንጌልና የስብከት ወጉንና ባህሉን ጭምር ጠንቅቀው የሚያውቁትንም ሊቅ ፣ መድረክ በመመጠን የሚያህላችው የሌውንም አረጋዊ አባት ዛሬ አቡነ ኪሮስ ተራራ ላይ ዳግም እንደ ንጋት ጮራ ፈንጥቀው አየኋቸው ።

    በክርስቶስ የነገረ ድህነት ትርክት ውስጥ የእናቱን የእመቤታችን የቅድስት ድንግል ማርያምን ሱታፌ የማይሰብክ ሰባኪ ካለ ፣ ስለ እመቤታችን ለስብከት በቆመበት ስፍራ የማይናገር ፣ ተርጉሞም የማያስተምር ሰባኪ ካለ ከመድረክ ጎትታችሁ አውርዱት ፣ ከቤተክርስቲያንም አስወጡት ብለው የዛሬ ሁለት ዓመት በተደረገው የሰበካ ጉባኤ አጠቃለይ ስብሰባ ላይ በተናገሩት ከአእምሮ የማይጠፋ ንግግርም ሲታወሱ የሚኖሩ ናቸው ።

    በ1996 ዓም ተፈራ ዋልዋ የተባለ የስርዓቱ በለሥልጣን ኦርቶዶክሳዊት ተዋህዶ ቤተክርስቲያንን በተመለከተ የተናገረው አሳፋሪ ንግግር ከተሰማ በኋላ ማኅበረ ቅዱሳን በሚያሳትመው ሐመር መጽሔት ላይ ቀርበው ድባቅ በመምታት ባለሥልጣኑ አቶ ተፈራ ዋልዋ ሳይወድ በግዱ ይቅርታ እንዲጠይቅ ያስገደዱም ጀግና አባት ናቸው ። አይፈሩም ደፋር ናቸው ።

    ይግባኝ ለክርስቶስ የሚል መጽሐፍም በመጻፍ በዘመናችን የኢትዮጵያን እና የህዝቧን ብሎም የእናት ቤተክርስቲያንን ሰቆቃ በግልፅ አቅርበው ያስነበቡን ደፋርና ቆራጥ የሃይማኖት አርበኛ መሆናቸው ምስክር አያሻውም ።

    እኚህን አባት ነበር ለጥቂት ጊዜ እኔ ፈልጌ ያጣኋቸው ። ዛሬ ግን በቀደመ መካች ባህሪያቸው ለገጣፎ አባ ኪሮስ ላይ አገኘኋቸው ።

    ቪድዮውን ከፍታችሁ እዩት ። ቪድዮውን በኔትወርክ ምክንያት አልከፍት የሚላችሁ በተለይ በኢትዮጵያ ለምትገኙ የሊቀጳጳሱን መልእክት ቃል በቃል እዚሁ የተናገሩትን በጽሑፍ አዘጋጅቼ አቀርቤላችኋለሁ ። ምልካም ንባብ.!

    ★★★

    ...ማነው ይሄን በደል የፈጸመ.? በኢትዮጵያ ላይ ታይቶ ተሰምቶ የማይታወቅ ድፍረት የፈጸመ ማነው? ደግሞ የራሳቸውን ጥፋት ወደ እኛ ለማዞር ሙከራ ያደርጋሉ ። ያስኬዳል እንዴ.? አያስኬድም አያስኬድም. ።

    የተበደልን እኛ ነን ፣ ታቦታችን የትም የተጣለው እኛ ነን ። ማንን በደለኛ ሊያደርጉ ነው ወደ ሌላ ሊያስጠጉ የሚፈልጉት.? እኛ ታቦታችን የሚነሳው በክብር ነው.! ። ከተጣለበት ቦታ መንግሥት አውቆት ፤ ማን ይኽን እንዳደረገ ፍርድ ተሰጥቶ ፣ በአካባቢው ያሉ ክርስቲያኖች እግዚአብሔርን የሚያመልኩበት ቦታ ተሰጥቶ ፤ ታቦቱ ወደ መንበረ ክብሩ ተመልሶ በአጀብ ህዝብ እያወቀው ፤ በዓለም ዙሪያ ጉዳቱ ቅጣቱ እንደተነገረ ሁሉ ዳግም ሲነሳም መንግሥት አውቆት በአጀብ ነው የሚነሳው ።

    ለምሳሌ ከመቅደላ ተሠርቃ የሄደች የእመቤታችን ታቦት በፓትሪያርኩ ነው የሔደችው ። የቅዱስ ያሬድ መስቀል ከውጪ ሀገር ሲመጣ በፓትሪያርኩ ነው በክብር የተሸኘው ። ይኼም በአልባሌ ሰዎች በመንግሥትና ለቤተክርስቲያን ጠላት በሆኑ ሰዎች አልባሌ ቦታ ላይ ወድቋል ። መንግሥት አውቆት ፤ ሁላችንም ተሰባስበን እግዚአብሔርን እያመሰገንን ነው እንጂ የምናነሳው በድብቅ አይነሳም ።

    አሁን ታቦታችንን አንሱ ይላሉ ። ለምን.? እኛ ጣሉ ብለናል እንዴ.! ተደረግ የማይታወቅ በደል ነው የተፈጸመብን ። እንዲህ ያለ ሥራ መሥራት ህዝብና መንግሥትን ለማጋጨት ጥናት የተወሰደበት መስሎ ነው የታየን እኛ ።

    ከንቲባዋና የበደሉን ሰዎች አሉ.! እኛ ያስታጠቅናቸው ፤ የኢትዮጵያ ህዝበ ክርስቲያን ያስታጠቃቸው ፤ ሰላማዊ ሥራ ይሠራሉ ያልናቸው ፖሊሶች ናቸው በድፍረት የፈጸሙት ። እነሱ ከእኛ ጋር አይኖሩም ። ወደፊት ትምህርት ይሰጥባቸዋል ። ወደ ፍርድ እናቀርባቸዋለን ።

    እኛም አጥፍተን ከሆነ ፤ እግዚአብሔርን በማምለካችን እንቀጣለን ። እስከሞትም እንደርሳለን ። ወደኋላ አንልም ። ቀዳሚው እኔ ነኝ ለዚህ ጉዳይ ።

    ስለዚህ ተረጋግተን ፍርድ መጠበቅ ብቻ ነው ። ታቦታችን እንደወደቀ ነው አሁንም አይነሳም ። እኔም አላነሳም ። የአካባቢው ክርስቲያኖች በለቅሶ ነው ያሉት ። ያንን ቦታ ተረክበን አምልኮተ እግዚአብሔርን እንፈጽምበታለን ባልን ልንከለከል አይቻልም ። እንዴት አድርጎ.???

    እኔ በውጪ ሀገርም ሄጃለሁ ። በአሜሪካም ሰባት ስምንት ጊዜ ተመላልሻለሁ ። በዚያ ያሉ ክርስቲያኖች ሰማይ ጠቀስ ፎቅ ለቤተክርስቲያን እየገዙ ነው ። በውጭ ሀገር እንኳ አልተከለከሉም ። አረብ ሀገር እንሂድ ቦታ እየተመሩ ነው ለቤተክርስቲያን መሥሪያ ፤ በተወለድንባት ኢትዮጵያ ቤተክርስቲያን እንዳንሠራ ልንከለከል??? በጭራሽ.! በጭራሽ.! ወደፊት ታያላችሁ አንከለከልም ። ፍርድ የሚሰጥ ዳኛ አለ ። እኔ ብቻ አይደለሁም ይኼ የኢትዮጵያ ጉዳይ ነውኮ፤ የአንድ ክልል ፣ የአንድ ዞን አይደለም ። የመላ ኢትዮጵያ ችግር ነው ይኼ ።

    ሲኖዶሱም ሰምቷል ። እየመከረበትም ነው ። ቅዱስ ፓትሪያርኩም ለክልሉ መንግሥት ጽፈዋል ። አሁን እየተጠና ነው ። ፍርዱን መጠበቅ አለብን ። ተረጋግተን ተረጋግተን ፍርድ መጠበቅ አለብን ።

    ወዳልሆነ ነገር እኛ አንመራም ። እነሱ የሚገፉን ወደአልሆነ ውስጥ ዘለን እንድንገባ ነው ። እንዴት ተጠቃን ብለን ሌላ ውስጥ እንድንገባ ነው ፍላጎታቸው ። በጭራሽ አናደርገውም ። ታቦታችንም በሥነ ሥርዓት መንግሥት አውቆት በክብር ነው የሚነሳው እንጂ ይህን ውሰዱት ተበሎ ብቻዬን. !!! ይህ የህዝብ ነው ። የህዝበ ክርስቲያን ነው ። የመላው ኢትዮጵያ ነው ።

    3 ሺ ዘመን እኮ ነው እግዚአብሔርን ያመለክንበት ይኽን ታቦት ። አሁን በአልባሌ ሰዎች ፤ የሃይማኖት ልዩነት አድርገው እኛ ባስታጠቅናቸው ጠመንጃ እያስፈራሩ ፤ " ይኼ ነው እንዴ የሚያመልኩበት እያሉ ማሾፊያ አድርገው ሰንብተዋል ፤ የትም ጥለውታል ፤ ይኼን ደግሞ ወደፊት በፍርድ አደባባይ አቁመን ሳናስቀጣ እነሱን የሰጠናቸውን መሳሪያ ሳናስገፍፍ ከእኛ ጋር አይኖሩም ።

    የእኛ ሃሳብ ይኼ ነው ። የምታነበው መጽሐፍ ቅዱስ ምናልባት የእኔ ኃጢአት ይሆናል ይኼ ነገር የተፈጸመው ። በማለት ቃለምዕዳቸውን ፈጽመዋል ።

    ለዛሬ አበቃሁ.!

    " እኔ ግን እላለሁ !!! እምዬ ኦርቶዶክስ አንቺ እናትዓለም ፤ የእነ ቅዱስ ዲዮስቆሮስ ፣ የእነ ቅዱስ አትናቴዎስ እና ቅዱስ ቄርሎስ የእነ ቅዱስ ጊዮርጊስ ፣ የእነ ቅድስት አርሴማ ፣ የእነ አቡነ ተክለሃይማኖት ፣ የእነ አቡነ ገብረመንፈስ ቅዱስ ፣ የአባ ሳሙኤል ዘዋልድባና የአቡነ አረጋዊ ሃይማኖታቸው የሆንሽ ንጽህት ተዋሕዶ ሃይማኖቴ ሆይ ! ብረሳሽና ብከዳሽ ቀኜም ትርሳኝ፣ ትክዳኝም ። ባላስብሽና ባልሞትልሽ ምላሴ ከጉሮሮዬ ይጣበቅ ። ሳለጎበድድ ሳለከዳሽ እንድኖር አምላክሽ ይርዳኝ ። ይህን ባለደርግና ሳልጮህልሽ ዝም ብዬ ብሞት ስሜ ከህይወት መጽሐፍ ይደምሰስ ።

    "ጌታ ሆይ! ከዚህ በፊት በሆነው ፤ አሁንም እየሆነ ባለው ነገር እና ወደፊትም በሚሆነው ነገር ፤ ክብሩን ሁሉ አንተ ውሰድ ።" አሜን. !

    "ድንግል ሆይ እናቴ ! አዛኝቱ ዛሬም እንደትናንቱ ቅደሚ ከፊት ከኋላዬ "

    ይህንንም ራሴው በእጄ ጻፍኩት ። +4915217428134 ደግሞ የቫይበር ፣ የኢሞና የኋትስአፕ መልእክቶችን የምቀበልበት የእጅ ስልኬ ነው ።

    ሻሎም.! ሰላም.!

    ዘመድኩን በቀለ ነኝ።
    ሐምሌ 8/2009 ዓም
    ከራየን ወንዝ ማዶ.!

    Read more ›

     

    ባለፈው ሰሞን ዜናውን እንዳነበባችሁት የኤርትራው ኢሳያስ አፈውርቂ በሆነ ምከንያት ከሥልጣን ቢታጣ ዙፋኑን ይተካል ተብሎ የሚነገርለት የፖለቲካ ጉዳይ ሐላፊና የኢሳያስ ልዩ አማካሪ የማነ ገብረአብ፤ ቅጽል ስሙ “ማንኪ”/ monkey/ ጣሊያን አገር ሮማ ከተማ ውሰጥ ድብደባ እንደደረሰበት ዜናውን አንብባችሁ ይሆናል።

     

                           ስለ ድብደባው ዝርዝር ዘገባ ሰፋ አድርጌ አቀርብላችኋለሁ።
    ማንኪ የተደበደበበት ቦታ ሮማ ውስጥ ረቡዕ ከምሽቱ 11፡00 ሰዓት አካባቢ ጣሊያን አገር ሮማ ከተማ ውስጥ ‘ቪያ ሞንተብሎ’ በሚገኝ፡ ‘ረስቶራንት ማሳዋ’ በሚባል የሻዕቢያ ምግብ ቤት ውስጥ በጣሊያን አገር የሻዕቢያ አምባሳደር ከሆነው ‘ፍስሃጼን’ ከተባለው ጋር እራት በልተው ሲወጡ፡ አድፍጠው ሲጠብቋቸው በነበሩ ማንነታቸው ባልታወቁ ሁለት ሰዎች በመጥረቢያና ስለት ባለው ሞዶሻ ነበር ክፉኛ የተጨፈጨፉት።


    ጭፍቸፋው ሲከናወን ምግብ ቤቱ ውስጥ የነበሩ ብዙዎቹ የሻዕቢያ ደጋፊዎች እግሬ አውጪኝ’ በማለት ፈርጥጠው ከጥቃቱ አፈግገዋል። ሁኔታው ለፖሊስ እንደደረሰ፤ እስካሁን አንድ ተጠርጣሪ ተይዟል። ሁኔታው ከተሰማ በኋላ በሮማ አደባባዮች/ፒያሳዎች/ ኤርትራኖች ጭፈራ እያካሄዱ ናቸው። ተቃዋሚዎችን የሚደግፉ ጣሊያኖችም ከጎናችሁ ቆመናል እያሉ እያበረታትዋቸው ይገኛሉ። በዓለም ውስጥ የተበተኑ ኤርትራዊያን የገንዘብ እርዳታ በማዋጣት ጠበቆች ለማቆም ዝግጁ እንደሆኑ ቃል ገብተዋል።

                                                    ቃቱ እንዴት ነበር?
    አምባሳደሩ እጆቹ ላይ፤ የማነ ‘ማንኪ’ ደግሞ በመጥረቢያ የተጨፈጨፈው አካሉ አገጩ ላይ፤ አንገቱ፤ እራስ ቅሉ ላይ ደጋግመው በመጨፍጨፍ ‘ዛሬ የኛ ተራ ነው፤ የናንተ ደም እንጂ ከእንግዲህ ወዲህ የሕዝባችን ደም አይፈስም፤ ዛሬ አንተን እንገድላልን” እያሉ ሁለቱንም በእሪታ እስኪጮኹ ድረስ እየደጋገሙ ደብድበዋቸዋል ። የማነ ክፉኛ ስለተጨፈጨፈ ወዲያውኑ “መሬት ላይ ተዝለፍልፎ ወደቀ”። ደብዳቢዎቹ የማነን ተረባርበው እንደጐዱ፤ አምባሰደር ፍስሀጼን ወደ ተባለው ሲዞሩ፤ ሰዎች እመሃል ደርሰው ሲከላከሉለት እጁ ቢጎዳም፤ አጥቂዎቹ በየማነ እንጂ በፍስሀጼን ላይ ብዙም አትኩሮት ስላላደረጉ መጠነኛ ጉዳት ደርሶበታል።

    አጥቂዎቹ ድብደባው ከፈጸሙ በኋላ ‘ፕያሳ ኢንደፐንደንሳ’ ወደተባለ አቅጣጫ በመሸሽ አምልጠዋል። ምግብ ቤቱ ውስጥ የነበሩ የሥርዓቱ ደጋፊዎች፤ ኡኡታ ሲሰሙ፡ በመጥረቢያና ስለት ባለው መዶሻ እየተጨፈጨፉ መሆኑን ካስተዋሉ በኋላ፤መሪዎቻቸውን ከመከላከል ይልቅ ግድግዳ፤ግድግዳውን/ ጥግ-ጥጉን በመያዝ “ኦፊቾ ፊናንሳ” ወደ ተባለው የኋልዮሽ አቅጧጫ አፈግፍገው አፈትልከዋል።

    የሮማ ፖሊስ ሁኔታውን በመከታታል፤ እስካሁን ድረስ አንድ ተጠርጣሪ ይዘዋል። ’የማነ ማንኪ’ ኦስፒዳለ ሮማ በሚባል ሆስፒታል እርዳታ ሲደረግለት ቆይቶ፤ ጉዳቱ ብርቱ በመሆኑ ‘’ሚላኖ’ ወደ እሚገኝ ከፍትኛ ሆስፒታል ተወስዷል። በሌላ በኩል ኢሳያስ የማንኪን ሁኔታ በዝርዝር ለማወቅ ዶ/ር ሃይለ ምሕፁን የተባለ ሓኪም ወደ ጣሊያን ልኮታል። ማንኪ ከመደብደቡ በፊት ዕሁድ ዕለት ሮማ ውስጥ ለደጋፊዎቹ ስብሰባ ማድረጉ ሲታወቅ፤ ለተመሳሳይ ስብሰባ ላለፈው ቅዳሜ ጊሰን በተባለ የጀርመን ከተማ ለማድረግ ዕቅድ ነበረው፤ በመሃሉ ግን ይህ ድብደባ ስለደረሰበት አልተካሄደም።

    በሌላ በኩል ‘ማዶት’ በመሳሰሉ የሻዕቢያ ድረገፆች ጥቃቱ የደረሰው ወያኔ በከፈላቸው ቅጥረኞች የተፈጸመ ጥቃት መሆኑን ያትታሉ። የኤርትራ ተቃዋሚዎች ግን *መሸፈኛ ያጣ ‘ሐፍረት’ * በማለት አጣጥለውታል። ይህ በእንዲህ አንዳለ ፤ በማንኪ ላይ የደረሰው ጭፍጨፋ ሲሰማ፤ ሊብያን አቋርጠው የመጡ ኤርትራዊያን ስደተኞች ፤እንዲሁም በየአብቶብስ ማረፊያዎች፤ በየማጎርያዎች (ካዛ ኦኩፓታ) ተጥለው ተስፋ ርቆአቸው የነበሩ በሺዎች የሚቆጠሩ ኤርትራውያን ፡ ከደስታቸው

    ብዛት የአካባቢውን ተመልካች የሳበ ጭፈራ እያደረጉ ይገኛሉ። ‘ወድ ትኹል’ የተባለ እውቅ የኢሳያስ አፈወርቂ ደጋፊ (አሁንም ኢሳያስን በማገልግል አስመራ ውስጥ ይኖራል) ዘፈን እየዘፈኑ
    “ወደ እኛ ያቀዱት ወደ እነሱ ዞረ፤
    የኢሳያስ ወገብ ድንገት ተሰበረ ,,,,,” 
    በማለት በሮማ ጎዳናዎች እየጨፈሩ ደስታቸውን በማሰማት ላይ ይገኛሉ።


    ሮማ ውስጥ የሚገኙ የተለያዩ የግል እና የማሕበራዊ ድርጅቶች በየማነ ማንኪና በፍስሀጼን የደረሰው ጥቃት፤ ኤርትራ ውስጥ እየፈሰሰ ያለው የንጹሐን ደም ለማስቆም የተወሰደ የቁጭት ነጸብራቅ ነው። ይላሉ። በጥቃቱ ተሳትፈዋል የሚባሉ ተጠርጣሪዎች ከተያዙ በገንዘብና በሞራል በመደገፍ የሕግ ጠበቃ በማስቆም እንከላከልላቸዋልን፡ ሲሉ ቃል ገብተዋል።ከዚህ በታች ያሉ ፎቶግራፎች፤አጥቂዎቹ በጥቃቱ ላይ የተጠቀሙባቸው መሰሪያዎች አይነት እና ድብደባው የተፈጸመበት ሬስታውራንት እና ቦታ ይምልከቱ። በእኔ እይታ “ሮማ የዘርአይ ደረስ ትውስታ ትዝ ያላት ትመስላለች”።

    ጌታቸው ረዳ

    (ኢትዮ ሰማይ አዘጋጅ Ethio Semay)

     

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    Egypt faces water insecurity as Ethiopian mega-dam starts filling

    Farmers along the lower Nile have little information to guide them as upriver barrage threatens to compound the impacts of global warming

    Egyptian farmers depend on the Nile to irrigate their crops (Pic: Flickr/Florian Lehmuth)

    By 

    “The land has become very dry,” observes Mahmoud Abo Khokha, a farmer from Al Monofeyya governorate, in Egypt’s Nile delta. “Drought is no longer predictable; it used to hit a certain 15 winter days. The whole year’s crops could be destroyed because of one week’s drought.”

    Like most farmers round here, he blames Ethiopia. They are under the impression that a massive hydropower dam being built upriver is already affecting their water supply.

    In fact, the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam is only starting to store waterthis month, reports Daily News Egypt, citing Ethiopian officials. The water scarcity farmers have experienced to date has other causes: climate change and the demands of a growing population.

    But during the 5-15 years it is expected to take to fill the reservoir behind the 1,800 metre-wide barrage, the Nile’s fresh water flow to Egypt may be cut by up to 25%.

    “Nobody is telling farmers how to mitigate and adapt to climate change,” says Magda Ghoneim, a socio-economist and professor of agricultural development at Ain Shams University. “Adding the pressure of a dam puts Egypt on the verge of catastrophe. Soon enough we won’t [find food to] eat.”

    The challenges for farmers are myriad: new diseases and insects, unprecedented humidity, rising seas contaminating groundwater with salt. Indeed, when Abo Khokha tried pumping underground water to make up for reduced river flow, he found only half the usual volume, with a higher level of salinity.

    A study recently published in Nature found that climate change is bringing greater variability in the Nile River flow this century compared to the last. In the Nile’s seven-year cycle of flood and drought, the former is becoming heavier, and the latter more extreme.

    Egypt’s five million feddans (21,000 square kilometres) of crops consume more than 85% of the country’s share of Nile water. With an annual supply of 600 cubic metres per person, the country is approaching the UN’s “absolute water scarcity” threshold, as the population closes in on 100 million. Water is a sensitive subject.

    Although Ethiopia claims to have taken climate change into consideration in the dam’s design, the government did everything at the same time: construction and civil works, financing, and social and environmental impact studies, explains Emanuele Fantini, a researcher at IHE Delft Institute for Water Education. “So by the time these studies are concluded, we are already in front of the fait accompli”.

    Building was under way when the governments of Ethiopia, Egypt and Sudan – sandwiched between the two – in 2016 agreed to commission an independent study from Artelia, a French consultancy. “We are not sure if and when the results will be made public,” says Fantini. “They should be made public so that the accuracy can be checked by the international scientific community”.

    “Some information, like worst case scenarios, might cause unnecessary panic”

    So far, though, there has been little attempt to explain the risks to those at the mercy of the weather and geopolitics.

    Alaa al-Zawahri, an Egyptian member of the tripartite committee studying the effects of the dam, tells Climate Home: “There are several scenarios, but nothing certain. Some studies predict a rise in temperature and thus little rain, and others predict more rain”. Diaa al-Qousi, a water specialist who worked for government, says the findings point to heavy rains for the next 30 years, then a huge drop the 60 years that follow.

    Asked if the different conclusions have been communicated with farmers, al-Qousi says “farmers would not understand such specialists’ findings”. Government is selective about what it releases to media, adds al-Zawahri: “Some information, like worst case scenarios, might cause unnecessary panic.”

    In the absence of reliable information, farmers turn to conspiracy theories and militaristic fantasies.

    Qatar “is funding the dam, like it is funding terrorism” to harm Egypt, claims Mohamed Nasr, who owns three feddans in Al Gharbeyya. There is no evidence for this common rumour; the Ethiopian government says it is funding the project nationally.

    Ethiopia will not be allowed to alter the balance of water supply along the river, Nasr asserts: “Egypt’s water share is internationally known. If the share is touched, the dam will be completely removed.”

    Osama Saad, a farmer in the Upper Egypt governorate of Minya, is more explicit: “People talk about how the president should bomb it1.” The idea is not alien to higher level discussions around the dam. Previous leaders have threatened military action.

    Yet work on the 6GW dam, a prestige project for the Ethiopian government, has continued unabated.

    Al-Zawahri outlines some peaceful options for responding to water stress. The government is looking into telemetry, water-saving irrigation systems, and desalination. A navigational course from Lake Victoria to the Mediterranean is on the table, which would provide eight billion cubic meters more water for Sudan and Egypt. Egypt can also manage its own High Aswan Dam more efficiently to decrease evaporation of water. “These plans are to be applied gradually,” he says.

    Water expert al-Qousi is upbeat: “The Egyptian farmer has been cultivating lands for seven thousand years, and has always found a way around water shortages.”

    Ghoneim begs to differ. “Farmers have traditional knowledge, which they lived by for a long time. But this knowledge is now falling short,” she says. “It is not an awareness problem that faces farmers, it is an issue of the state obstructing information.”

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