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  • በለገጣፎ ለገዳዲ ከተማ ከማስተር ፕላን ውጪ ተገንብተዋል የተባሉ ከ12,000 በላይ ቤቶች እንዲፈርሱ መወሰኑና ቤቶቹም መፍረስ መጀመራቸው ውዝግብ አስነስቷል፡፡ እስካሁን በከተማው በሚገኙ ሁለት ቀበሌዎች ማለትም ቀበሌ 03 የካ ዳሌና ቀበሌ 01 አባ ኪሮስ በመባል በሚታወቁ ሥፍራዎች ከ930 በላይ የሚሆኑ ቤቶች መፍረሳቸው ተነግሯል፡፡ የአካባቢዎቹ ነዋሪዎች የተሰጣቸው የማስጠንቀቂያ ጊዜ አጭር መሆኑን፣ እየፈረሱ ያሉትም የተመረጡ ቤቶች ናቸው ሲሉ ቅሬታቸውን አሰምተዋል፡፡ ካርታ ለማግኘት ተመዝግበው በመጠባበቅ ላይ የሚገኙ ነዋሪዎች ቤቶች እየፈረሱ እንደሆነ ሪፖርተር ያነጋገራቸው ገልጸዋል፡፡ ድርጊቱንም የኦሮሚያ ክልል ርዕሰ መስተዳደር አቶ ለማ መገርሳ እንዲያስቆሙ ነዋሪዎች ጠይቀዋል፡፡ የኦሮሚያ ክልል ኮሙዩኒኬሽን ቢሮ ኃላፊ አቶ አድማሱ ዳምጠው፣ ሕገወጥ ግንባታዎችን የማፍረስ ሥራ ተጠናክሮ ቀጥሏል ብለዋል፡፡  

    ሪፖርተር በሥፍራው ተገኝቶ ያነጋገራቸው የአካባቢው ነዋሪዎች ሜዳ ላይ መበተናቸውን ገልጸዋል፡፡ በተለይ በቀበሌ 03 የመፍረስ ዕጣ ከገጠማቸው ቤቶች የአንዱ ይህንን ይመስላል፡፡    

    ሦስት ክፍሎች ያለው ቤት ግድግዳው በከፊል ፈርሷል፡፡ ጣራውም ሙሉ ለሙሉ ተነስቷል፡፡ በርና መስኮትም የለውም፡፡ ሊወድቅ ቋፍ ላይ የደረሰውን የጭቃ ግድግዳ ተደግፎ ከቆመው መሰላል ውጪ ምንም አይታይም፡፡ ከወንዝ ዳርቻ የተሠራው ቤት ወደ ፍርስራሽነት የተቀየረው ዕድሜ ተጭኖት ወይም የቦምብ ፍንጣሪ መትቶት አይደለም፡፡ ሕገወጥ ግንባታ ነው ተብሎ በአፍራሽ ግብረ ኃይል በትዕዛዝ የፈረሰው ረቡዕ ረፋዱ ላይ ነበር፡፡

    ‹‹ጠላ ሸጬ ነው ቤቱን የሠራሁት፤›› የሚሉት ወይዘሮ ግን ቤቱ ከፈረሰ ሰዓታት ያለፉት ቢሆንም አልተፅናኑም፣ ከድንጋጤያቸውም አልተላቀቁም፡፡ ‹‹ሕገወጥ›› የተባለው ቤታቸው እንደሚፈርስና ንብረታቸውን እንዲያወጡ የሚገልጽ ደብዳቤ የደረሳቸው ቅዳሜ የካቲት 9 ቀን 2011 ዓ.ም. እንደሆነ ይናገራሉ፡፡ በሰዓቱ ደብዳቤውን የተቀበለችው ኮተቤ ሜትሮፖሊታን ዩኒቨርሲቲ የምትማር ልጃቸው በድንጋጤ መታመሟን፣ እስካሁንም እንዳልተሻላትና ወደ ትምህርት ገበታዋ እንዳልተመለሰች ሲናገሩ እያነቡ ነው፡፡ ‹‹ለነገሩ ደንዳና ነኝ፤›› የሚሉት  ወይዘሮዋ ቢሆኑም፣ አፍራሽ ግብረ ኃይሉ ግድግዳውን በላያቸው መናድ ሲጀምር ራሳቸውን ስተው እንደ ነበር ይናገራሉ፡፡ መናገርና መስማት አትችልም የሚሏት ትንሽ ልጃቸው ቤታቸውን እያፈረሱ የነበሩትን ሰዎች ልብስ እየጎተተች ስትለምናቸው እንደበር የሰሙትም፣ ከወደቁበት ሲነሱ ሰዎች ነግረዋቸው እንደሆነ ገልጸዋል፡፡

    ‹ቤቱን ለቃችሁ ውጡ› የሚለው ደብዳቤ ሲደርሳቸው፣ ‹‹እውነት አልመሰለኝም ነበር፤›› ብለዋል፡፡ የተሰጣቸው የአራት ቀናት ቀነ ቀጠሮም አጭር ነበርና መፍትሔ ለማፈላለግም ሆነ ንብረታቸውን ለማውጣት በቂ ስላልነበረ፣ ከማስፈራሪያነት ያለፈ ሚና ይኖረዋል ብለው እንዳላሰቡ ተናግረዋል፡፡ ረቡዕ የካቲት 13 ቀን 2011 ዓ.ም. ረፋዱ ላይ አፍራሽ ግብረ ኃይሉ ግድግዳቸውን መናድ ሲጀምር ግን እያነቡ ከመለመን ባለፈ ንብረታቸውን ለማውጣት እንኳን ፋታ አለማግኘታቸውን ተናግረዋል፡፡

    ‹‹ነገሮች ከአዕምሮዬ በላይ ራሴን ስቼ ወደቅኩ፤›› ብለው፣ ወደ ራሳቸው ሲመለሱ ጠላ ሸጠው የገነቡት ቤት ወደ ፍርስራሽነት ተቀይሮ እንዳገኙት ተናግረዋል፡፡ የቀረላቸው ነገር ቢኖር በቆርቆሮ በር የሚዘጋው ትንሹ ኩሽናቸው ነው፡፡ በማንኛውም ሰዓት ሊያፈርሱት ይችላሉ ብለው በሚሠጉበት ኩሽናቸው ውስጥ አዳራቸውን ማድረጋቸውን፣ ከፍርስራሹ ውስጥ የወጣ ንብረታቸውን ደግሞ ቤታቸው እንደሚፈርስ ቀነ ቀጠሮ በተሰጣቸው ጎረቤቶቻቸው ቤት በታትነው ማስቀመጣቸውን አስረድተዋል፡፡   

    ባለትዳርና የአምስት ልጆች እናት የሆኑት ወይዘሮዋ ያለ ወትሯቸው ሜዳ ለሜዳ ይዞራሉ፡፡ አፉን ከፍቶ የቀረ ቤታቸው የሚያርፉበት ባይሆንም ቤት እንዳለው ሰው ወደ ፍርስራሹ ያመራሉ፡፡ ‹‹ከእነ ልጆቼ ሜዳ ላይ ቀርቻለሁ፤›› አሉ ትንሽ ልጃቸውን አዝለው ወደ ተቆለለው ፍርስራሽ ላይ እየወጡ፡፡ በመንደሩ ተመሳሳይ ችግር የደረሰባቸው ብዙዎች ስለሆኑ እየዞሩ ሌሎችንም ያፅናናሉ፡፡

    እንደ ወይዘሮዋ ሁሉ መውደቂያ ባያጡም ጎረቤታቸው ወ/ሮ መቅደስ ተሰማ ግን እውነታውን መቀበል ተስኗቸዋል፡፡ ‹‹ሊፈርስ ነው የሚባል ነገር ከሰማሁ ቀን ጀምሮ እንዳለቀስኩ ነው፡፡ ደብዳቤው ቅዳሜ ዕለት በእጃችን ሲገባ ያልሄድንበት ቦታ የለም፡፡ ነገር ግን ማንም የደረሰልን አካል የለም፡፡ የቀን ጨለማ ነው የሆነብን፡፡ ይኼንን ቤት ለመሥራት የለፋሁትን እኔ ነኝ የማውቀው፤›› አሉ ወደ ተከመረው ፍርስራሽ በእጃቸው እያመለከቱ፡፡

    በአካባቢው ይኖሩ ከነበሩ ከአንድ ግለሰብ የገዙትን ቤት አድሰውና ባለው ትርፍ ቦታም ቤት ገንብተው ኑሮ ለመጀመር ነገሮች ቀላል አልነበሩም ይላሉ፡፡ በአንድ የመንግሥት መሥሪያ ቤት ተቀጥረው እንደሚሠሩና በወር የሚያገኙትም 3,000 ብር እንደማይሞላ ይናገራሉ፡፡ ‹‹ያለው ሰው እኮ እዚህ አይኖርም፡፡ አማራጭ የሌለን ድሆች ነን እዚህ ገዝተን የምንገባው፤›› በማለት ዕንባቸውን አዘሩ፡፡

    የፈረሰባቸውን መኖሪያ ቤት ለመሥራት ለዓመታት እንደተቸገሩ ይናገራሉ፡፡ ቆርቆሮ ለመምታት፣ ግድግዳ ለማቆም በወር ከሚያገኙት ላይ እየቆጠቡ ዕቁብ መጣል እንደነበረባቸው ያስታውሳሉ፡፡ የዋናው ቤት ግንባታው ባያልቅም ቀስ በቀስ ያልቃል በማለት ከአራት ዓመታት በፊት ገብተው መኖር እንደጀመሩም ያስረዳሉ፡፡ በአንዱ ዕቁብ በር፣ በሌላው ኮርኒስ እያሠሩ መደበኛ ቤት ለመሆን አንድ መስኮትና የፍሳሽ ማስወገጃ ሲቀረው፣ ሕገወጥ ግንባታ ተብሎ ረቡዕ ዕለት መፍረሱን ተናግረዋል፡፡ የቀራቸው ለተከራይ የሰጡት ሰርቪስ ቤት ቢሆንም፣ የቱ እንደሚፈርስና የቱ እንደሚቀር ስለማይታወቅ መጨረሻቸውን አላወቁም፡፡ ‹‹የዋናውን ቤት የተወሰነ ክፍል አፍርሰው ይኼ ቀርቶልሻል እጠሪው ካሉ በኋላ ነው ተመልሰው የቀረውን ሆ ብለው ያፈረሱት፡፡ አሁን ጭንቀት ሊገድለኝ ነው፡፡  የማይወለድ ልጅ ማማጥ ሆኖብኛል፤›› አሉ እንደገና እያነቡ፡፡

    አራት ልጆች የማሳደግ ኃላፊነት እንዳለባቸው፣ ከዘራቸውን ተደግፈው የሚቆዝሙ ወላጅ አባታቸውን የማስተዳደር ኃላፊነትም የእሳቸው መሆኑን መኖሪያ ቤታቸው በላያቸው የፈረሰባቸው ወ/ሮ መቅደስ ይናገራሉ፡፡ አንገት ማስገቢያ ጎጆ ለመቀለስ ባወጡት ወጪና ልፋት ውጤቱን ሳያዩ ስለፈረሰባቸው ሐዘን እንደሰበራቸው አክለዋል፡፡ ቤቱን ለመሥራት ከፍለው ያልጨረሱት የዕቁብ ዕዳም ዕረፍት ነስቷቸዋል፡፡ በሁኔታው ተስፋ ቆርጠው አፍራሾቹን ቆመው ሲመለከቱ እንደነበር፣ ንብረታቸውን ያወጡላቸውም ዕድርተኞቻቸው እንደሆኑ ይናገራሉ፡፡ አለኝ የሚሏቸው የቤት ዕቃዎች ወደ አንድ ጎን ተከምረው አቧራ ይጠጣሉ፡፡ 276 የሚል የቤት ቁጥር የሠፈረበትን ቆርቆሮ የያዘ የብረት በር ከአንዱ ጥግ ተሸጉጧል፡፡ ወይዘሮ መቅደስ የቤት ቁጥር ከተሰጣቸው ዓመታት እንደተቆጠሩ ይናገራሉ፡፡

    በራፋቸው ላይ ከተተከለው የኤሌክትሪክ ፖልም የኤሌክትሪክ ኃይል ያገኛሉ፡፡ ከዓመታት በፊት አንድ ክፍል ቤት ያለውን ግቢ የገዙት በግል ውል ነበር ይላሉ፡፡ ‹‹ማዘጋጃ ቤት በሊዝ ለባለሀብት ይሸጣል እንጂ ለምን ለእኔ ይሸጥልኛል? ባለሀብት ደግሞ እንዲህ ዓይነት ቦታ ላይ ምን ይሠራል?›› ሲሉ ለኑሮ የማይመቹ ቦታዎች ላይ ተገፍቶ የሚወጣው አማራጭ ያጣ እንደ እሳቸው ያለ ደሃ እንደሆነ ይገልጻሉ፡፡

    ቦታው ላይ ሲኖሩ ካርታ ባያገኙም ሕጋዊ መሆናቸውን የሚያመላክቱ የልማት እንቅስቃሴዎች ውስጥ ተሳታፊ እንደነበሩ ያስረዳሉ፡፡ ‹‹የአከራይ ተከራይ ግብር ለመክፈል የሚመለከተው አካል ከቀናት በፊት አነጋግሮን ነበር፤›› ብለዋል፡፡ ‹‹ይኼንን እየተነጋገርን ባለንበት ሰዓት ደብዳቤው እንደ ዱብ ዕዳ ዓርብ ወጪ ተደርጎ ቅዳሜ እጃችን ላይ ገባ፡፡ በአራት ቀናት ውስጥ ምን ማድረግ እንችላለን?›› ብለው ሌላው ቢቀር እንዲወጡ የተሰጣቸው የጊዜ ገደብ ነገሮችን ያላገናዘበ መሆኑን ገልጸዋል፡፡ ቀረልኝ የሚሉት ተከራዮች ይኖሩበት የነበረው ቤትም እንደማይፈርስ ማረጋገጫ የለም ይላሉ፡፡ ምክንያቱም ከቀናት በፊት በእጃቸው የገባው በኦሮሚፋ የተጻፈው ደብዳቤ የቱ እንደሚፈርስና የቱ እንደሚቀርላቸው አይገልጽም፡፡

    አካባቢውን በአንድ ጊዜ ወደ ፍርስራሽነት የቀየረው ዘመቻ በርካቶችን ሐዘን ላይ ጥሏል፡፡ ለገጣፎ የሚገኘው የካ ዳሌ 03 ቀበሌ ልጅ አዋቂ ሳይል ሁሉም በአንድነት የሚያነባበት መንደር ሆኖ ነበር ያረፈደው፡፡ እንደ ነገሩ ተበታትነው ከሚታዩ የቤት ዕቃዎች፣ የቆርቆሮና የፍርስራሽ ክምር ባሻገር የሚገቡበትን ያጡ በትካዜ የተዋጡ ሰዎች ብዙ ናቸው፡፡ ማረፊያ እንዳጡ ሁሉ በየመንገዱና በየጥጋጥጉ እንደቆሙ ይተክዛሉ፡፡ የደረሰባቸውን የሰሙ ዘመድ አዝማዶች ከያሉበት እየሄዱ እከሌን ዓይታችኋል እያሉ የዘመዶቻቸውን አድራሻ ሲፈልጉ ታይተዋል፡፡ ጥቂት የማይባሉ የአካባቢው ነዋሪዎች ‹ቤት ለእምቦሳ› ብለው የመረቁላቸው ቤቶች ወደ ፍርስራሽነት ተቀይረዋልና ሜዳ ላይ ቆመው ያወራሉ፡፡ ምርር ብለው የሚያለቅሱ ዘመዶቻቸውን ያፅናናሉ፡፡ ሰብሰብ ሲሉ ‹የአንተም ቤት ፈረሰ?› እየተባባሉ የቁም ቅዠት የሆነባቸው ክስተት በሌላው ላይ ደርሶ እንደሆነ ይጠያየቃሉ፡፡ ‹የእኔ ቤት እዚያ ጋ ነበር› እያሉ ነው የፈረሰባቸውን ለሰዎች የሚያሳዩት፡፡ የፈረሰባቸውን ሲያፅናኑ የቆዩ ደግሞ ተራው የእነሱ ሆኖ ቤታቸው ሲፈርስ እያዩ እንደ አዲስ ይደነግጣሉ፣ ያለቅሳሉ፡፡

    ‹‹100 የሚደርሱ ሰዎች ሆ ብለው መጥተው አንድ፣ ሁለት፣ ሦስት ብለው ግድግዳ ገፍተው ሲንዱ ማየት ግራ ያጋባል፡፡ ከማልቀስ ውጪ ምንም ማድረግ አይቻልም፤›› ይላሉ ወይዘሮ መቅደስ፡፡ የሚፈርሰውን ቤት መታደግ ባይቻልም ጥረው ግረው ያፈሩት ንብረት በፍርስራሽ እንዳይዋጥ ጎረቤት ተሯሩጦ ለማትረፍ ይረባረባል፡፡

    ቄስ ኪሮስ ዓለምነህን ሪፖርተር ያገኛቸው ከፈረሰው ቤታቸው ውስጥ የወጣ ንብረታቸውን በጎረቤቶቻቸው ዕገዛ ወደ አንድ በኩል ሲቆልሉ ነበር፡፡ ቄሱ በሆነው ነገር ከመደንገጣቸው የተነሳ ግራ መጋባት ይታይባቸዋል፡፡ ጎረቤቶቻቸው ግቢያቸውን ሞልተው የተበተነውን ንብረታቸው ዝናብ እንዳይመታው ቆርቆሮ ይመቱላቸዋል፡፡   

    እናቶች በየጥጋጥጉ እንደተቀመጡ ያለቅሳሉ፡፡ ከአርሶ አደር ላይ በ250 ሺሕ ብር የገዙትን ቤት አፍርሰው በሚፈልጉት ዲዛይን ለማሠራት ብዙ ገንዘብ ማፍሰሳቸውን፣ ቤቱን የሠሩትም በ2003 ዓ.ም. እንደሆነ ይገልጻሉ፡፡ ቦታውን ገዝቶ ቤት ለመሥራት ከዘመድ አዝማድ ብዙ ገንዘብ መበደራቸውንና እስካሁንም ያልተከፈለ 80 ሺሕ ብር የሚሆን ውዝፍ ዕዳ እንዳለባቸው ይናገራሉ፡፡

    ቄስ ኪሮስ በአካባቢው ሕጋዊ ነዋሪ መሆናቸውን የሚያሳይ የቀበሌ መታወቂያ አላቸው፡፡ ለመንገድ፣ ለውኃና ለኤሌክትሪክ የከፈሉበት ደረሰኝም አላቸው፡፡ በሌሎች ማኅበራዊ ግዴታዎች ክፍያ የፈጸሙባቸው ሕጋዊ ደረሰኞች ይዘዋል፡፡ የመኖሪያ ቤት ሽያጭ ውልም በእጃቸው ይዘዋል፡፡

    ‹‹ከ2003 ዓ.ም. ጀምሮ ዕዳ ላይ ነው ያለሁት፡፡ ቤቱን ለመገንባት ከ500 ሺሕ ብር ከላይ አውጥቻለሁ፤›› በማለት፣ ዕዳቸውን ከፍለው በወጉ መኖር ሳይችሉ የቤታቸው መፍረስ የተደበላለቀ ስሜት እንዳሳደረባቸው ይናገራሉ፡፡ ቤቱን በአስቸኳይ ለቀው እንዲወጡ የሚያሳስበው ደብዳቤ የተጻፈውና እጃቸው ላይ የደረሰው በአጭር ጊዜ ነው በማለት፣ የቅድመ ማስጠንቀቂያ ጊዜው እጅግ አጭር እንደሆነና ነገሩን ለመረዳትም ፋታ ሳይሰጣቸው ሕይወታቸው እንዳልነበረ መሆኑን ይናገራሉ፡፡

    ሌላው ቢቀር ቀልባቸውን ሰብስበው ንብረታቸውን በመልክ መልኩ ለማሰናዳት እንኳ አልሆነላቸውም፡፡ ሕጋዊ ነዋሪ መሆናቸውን የሚመሰክሩ ሰነዶችን ቅጂ እንደያዙ ፍርስራሽ የዋጠው ቅጥር ግቢ ውስጥ ቆመዋል፡፡ ዕዳ ገብተው የሠሩት ቤት ፈራርሶ ማየታቸው በቤታቸው እንግድነት እንዲሰማቸው እንዳደረጋቸው ይናገራሉ፡፡

    ከጎናቸው ሆኖ የሚያፅናናቸው የ29 ዓመቱ አቶ ቀናው በላይ ደግሞ 150 ካሬ ላይ ያረፈው ቤቱ ሙሉ ለሙሉ ፈርሶበት ሜዳ ላይ መቅረቱን ይናገራል፡፡ ደሳሳ ቤት የነበረውን ቦታ በ2004 ዓ.ም. ገዝቶ ከ300 ሺሕ ብር በላይ አውጥቶ የብሎኬት ቤት እንደሠራ፣ ባለትዳርና የልጅ አባት መሆኑን፣ በቴክኒክና ሙያ ከሰባት ዓመታት በፊት በዲፕሎማ ቢመረቅም፣ በተማረበት ሙያ ሥራ ማግኘት አለመቻሉን ያስረዳል፡፡

    ቤተሰቡን የሚያስተዳድረውም ፑል ቤት ተቀጥሮ እየሠራ በሚከፈለው 1,500 ብር ቢሆንም፣ የራሱ የሚለው ቤት ስለነበረው ግን ብዙም እንደማይቸግረው፣ ዓለም የተደፋበት የመሰለው ሕገወጥ ነህ ተብሎ ቤቱ ሲፈርስበት መሆኑን ገልጿል፡፡ ‹‹ቤቴ የፈረሰው ማክሰኞ ነው፡፡ ‹‹አሁን ያለሁት አንድ ወዳጄ ዘንድ ተጠግቼ ነው፡፡ መንግሥት አካባቢውን ለማልማት ፈልጎ ከሆነ ደስ ይለናል፣ ግን እኛ የት ሄደን እንውደቅ?›› ሲል ይጠይቃል፡፡ ‹‹ከአሁን በኋላ የሚጠብቀኝ የጎዳና ሕይወት ነው፡፡ ሚስቴንም ወደ ቤተሰቦቿ እልካለሁ፡፡ ከቻሉ ሁላችንንም ወደ ትውልድ ቀዬአችን የምንመለስበትን ገንዘብ ይስጡን፤›› ይላል፡፡

    ቴሌቪዥን፣ ፍሪጅ፣ ቁም ሳጥን ሳይወጣ የፈረሰባቸው፣ ፅዋ እንኳ ሳይወጣ በላያቸው የፈረሰባቸው፣ እንዲሁም ሁኔታው በፈጠረባቸው ድንጋጤ ከታመሙና ራሳቸውን ስተው ከወደቁ ባሻገር የከፋ ነገር የገጠማቸውም መኖራቸው ይሰማል፡፡

    ጎረቤቶቿ ዓረብ አገር ሠርታ ባጠራቀመችው ገንዘብ ከጎናቸው ቤት ገዝታ እንደምትኖር፣ ቤቱ ላይዋ ሲፈርስ ግን ተስፋ ቆርጣ ራሷን ማጥፋቷንና አፍራሽ ግብረ ኃይሉ በአምቡላንስ እንደወሰዳት የአካባቢው ነዋሪዎች ይናገራሉ፡፡ አስከሬኗ የትና በምን ዓይነት ሁኔታ ላይ እንዳለም አይታወቅም ብለዋል፡፡ ዘመድ ይኑራት፣ አይኑራት የደረሰባትን ይስሙ፣ አይስሙ የሚያውቅ የለም ብለው ወደ ፍርስራሽነት የተቀየረው ቤቷና እሷ በአንድ አፍታ ታሪክ ሆነው መቅረታቸውን ይናገራሉ፡፡

    ዱብ ዕዳ የሆነ ክስተት እንደ አቶ ጌታቸው ህያሴ ያሉ በአካባቢው ተሰሚነት ያላቸውን ሰዎች እንኳ አላለፈም፡፡ አቶ ጌታቸው ከ2000 ዓ.ም. ጀምሮ በአካባቢው እንደሚኖሩ ይናገራሉ፡፡፡ ዓምና ደግሞ የቀበሌውን ሊቀመንበር አስፈቅደው በዘመናዊ መንገድ ከብቶች ማርባት ጀምረዋል፡፡ በለገጣፎ ለገዳዲ ከተማ አስተዳደር የካ ዳሌ 03 ቀበሌ አሉ የተባሉና ጠንካራ የልማት እንቅስቃሴ የሚያደርጉ እንደሆኑ ይነገርላቸዋል፡፡ ‹‹ይኼ ሁሉ ነገር ሲሠራ አብረውን ነው፡፡ ሁሉንም ነገር ያውቃሉ፡፡ ገና ሲጀመር ማስቆም ይችሉ ነበር፤›› ይላሉ፡፡ እንደ እሳቸው ገለጻ፣ ከብቶቹን ለማርባት ከ500 ሺሕ ብር በላይ ወጪ አድርገው ወደ ሥራ ሲገቡ የከለከላቸው አልነበረም፡፡ በዘመናዊ መንገድ የገነቡት የከብቶች በረት እንዲፈርስ ሲደረግ ግን ብዙ ነገር ማጣታቸውን ይናገራሉ፡፡

    አቶ ጌታቸው የአካባቢው ወጣቶች የልማት ኮሚቴ አባል ናቸው፡፡ ነዋሪዎች ገንዘብ እያዋጡ መንገድና የተለያዩ የመሠረተ ልማት አውታሮች እንዲሟሉ እያስተባበሩ ከ2004 ዓ.ም. ጀምሮ ሲሠሩ መቆየታቸው ይነገርላቸዋል፡፡ ነዋሪዎች ለተለያዩ የልማት እንቅስቃሴዎች አሥር፣ አሥር ሺሕ ብር እንዲከፍሉ ተደርጎ አካባቢው መልማቱን፣ ቤታቸው ሕገወጥ ተብሎ ከፈረሰባቸው ነዋሪዎች መካከል ሪፖርተር ያነጋገራቸው አብዛኞቹ ገንዘብ አዋጥተው አካባቢውን ማልማታቸው ይነገራል፡፡ ‹‹ኮሚቴአችን በልማት አንደኛ ተብሎ የተሰጠን የምስክር ወረቀት ቤት አለኝ፤›› የሚሉት አቶ ጌታቸው፣ ‹‹ከማዘጋጃ ቤቱ ጋር ተባብረው አካባቢውን ሲያለሙ የነበሩ ነዋሪዎች ሳይቀሩ ሕገወጥ መባላቸው ግር አሰኝቶኛል፤›› ይላሉ፡፡

    የአካባቢው ነዋሪዎች ይህንን ያህል ገንዘብ አውጥተው ቤት ሲገነቡና አካባቢውን ሲያለሙ ዝም ተብሎ አሁን እንዲፈርስ መደረጉ ብዙዎችን አስቆጥቷል፡፡ ግንባታውን ከጅምሩ ማስቆም ሲቻል ገንዘብ እየተቀበሉ ፈቃድ የሚሰጡ የአመራር አካላት መኖር፣ ሌሎችም እንዲገነቡ ያደፋፍር እንደነበር ነዋሪዎቹ እየተናገሩ ነው፡፡ አብዛኞቹ ቤቶች ሲገነቡ አሥር ሺሕ ብርና ከዚያ በላይ ለቀበሌው አስተዳደር አካላት ይከፈል ነበር ተብሏል፡፡

    ሕጋዊ ነዋሪ እንደሆኑ የሚያሳይ የቤት ቁጥር፣ የነዋሪነት መታወቂያ፣ የኤሌክትሪክና የውኃ አገልግሎት ካገኙ በኋላ ሕገወጥ ተብለው መፈናቀላቸው ሌላ አስተዳደራዊ ችግር ቢኖር ነው ያሉም አሉ፡፡፡ በቀናት ውስጥ ቤታቸውን እንዲለቁ የሚያዘው ደብዳቤ እንደደረሳቸው በተለያዩ የመገናኛ ብዙኃን በኩል ድምፃቸውን ያሰሙም፣ ‹ማስፈራሪያ እየደረሰን ነው፡፡ የምንንቀሳቀሰውም ተደብቀን ነው፡፡ አብረውን ችግሩን በተመለከተ በሚዲያ የተናገሩ ሁለት ሰዎችም ተይዘዋል› ብለዋል፡፡ ቤቶቹን ሲያፈርሱም ‹እስቲ ሚዲያዎች ይድረሱላችሁ፣ እናያለን› መባላቸውን ለሪፖርተር አስረድተዋል፡፡

    ቤቶቹን ሲያፈርሱ ከነበሩት መካከል በሦስቱ ላይ ግድግዳ ተደርምሶ ጉዳት እንደ ደረሰባቸው የአካባቢው ነዋሪዎች ገልጸዋል፡፡ አንደኛው ተጎጂ ሕይወቱ ወዲያው እንዳለፈ ቢናገሩም፣ የከተማው የኮሙዩኒኬሽን ባለሙያ የሞተ እንደሌለ ለሪፖርተር ገልጸዋል፡፡

    ቤቶቹን የማፍረስ ኃላፊነት የተሰጠው በለገጣፎ ለገዳዲ ከተማ ከንቲባ የሚመራው ገብረ ኃይል፣ አስለቃሽ ጭስና መሣሪያ በታጠቁ የፀጥታ አካላት ታጅቦ እንደነበር ነዋሪዎች ገልጸዋል፡፡  

    የለገጣፎ ለገዳዲ ከተማ ከንቲባ ወይዘሮ ሐቢባ ሲራጅ ከቀናት በፊት በሰጡት መግለጫ፣ ቤቶቹ እንዲፈርሱ የተወሰነው ከተማዋን በማስተር ፕላን የምትመራ ለማድረግ፣ እንዲሁም ምቹና ፅዱ ቦታ ለመፍጠር ነው ብለዋል፡፡ ይፈርሳሉ የተባሉ ከ12,000 በላይ የሚሆኑ ቤቶችም የከተማውን ማስተር ፕላን በመጣስ፣ ለአረንጓዴ ልማት የተተውና የተከለከሉ የወንዞች ዳርቻዎች ላይ የተገነቡ በመሆናቸውም እንደሆነ አስረድተዋል፡፡ በሕግ ከተፈቀደላቸው ቦታ ውጪ ተጨማሪ ቦታ አጥረው የያዙ ባለሀብቶችም የዚሁ አካል ናቸው ብለዋል፡፡

    ዓርብ የካቲት 15 ቀን 2011 ዓ.ም. የጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ፕሬስ ሴክሬታሪ አቶ ንጉሡ ጥላሁን፣ የክልሉ ገዥ ፓርቲ ኦዴፓ ሥራ አስፈጻሚ አባልና የገጠርና ፖለቲካ ዘርፍ ኃላፊ አቶ አዲሱ አረጋና ሌሎች የክልሉ ሹማምንት በለገጣፎና አካባቢው ጉብኝት አድርገው ነበሩ፡፡ ከንቲባዋ ወ/ሮ ሐቢባ በሰጡት ገለጻ መሠረት፣ ከ12,300 በላይ ካርታ የሌላቸው ቤቶች በከተማዋ ውስጥ ይገኛሉ፡፡ በአሁኑ ጊዜ እየፈረሱ ያሉ ቤቶች በመንግሥት ይዞታ ውስጥ የሚገኙ መሆናቸውን ገልጸው፣ የማፍረስ ዕርምጃ ከመወሰዱ ሁለት ወራት በፊት ደብዳቤ ለባለ ይዞታዎቹ ደርሷል ብለዋል፡፡ የከተማ አስተዳደሩ ከመመሥረቱ ሦስት ዓመት በፊት ግብር የከፈሉበት ደረሰኝ ማቅረብ አለመቻላቸውን አስረድተዋል፡፡

    ‹‹ውኃና መብራት ማስገባት ዋስትና አይሆንም፤›› ያሉት ሪፖርተር ያነጋገራቸው የከተማው የኮሙዩኒኬሽን ዳይሬክተር ወይዘሮ ነፃነት ከበደ በበኩላቸው፣ ቤቶቹን የማፍረስ ዘመቻው በማስተር ፕላኑ መሠረት ይቀጥላል ብለዋል፡፡ ግንባታ የተከናወነባቸው አንዳንዶቹ ቦታዎች መንግሥት ለልማት የሚፈልጋቸውና ካሳ የከፈለባቸው እንደሆኑም አስረድተዋል፡፡ ከአርሶ አደሩ እየገዙ የሠፈሩም አሉ ብለዋል፡፡ አለ ለሚባለው ችግር ተጠያቂው ከዚህ በፊት የነበረው የአስተዳደር አካል እንደሆነ፣ ከእነዚህም ውስጥ በሕግ እየተጠየቁ ያሉ ሰዎች መኖራቸውንና አሁንም ተጠያቂ የሚደረጉ ሌሎች መኖራቸውን፣ ከአርሶ አደሮችም የሚጠየቁ እንደሚኖሩ አስረድተዋል፡፡

    ቤት የፈረሰባቸው ነዋሪዎችን የፌዴራል ዕንባ ጠባቂ ተቋም ባለሙያዎች ዓርብ የካቲት 15 ቀን 2011 ዓ.ም. በቦታው ተገኝተው እንዳነጋገሯቸው ታውቋል፡፡

     

    source: ethioian reporter

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    State utility firm Ethiopian Electric Power (EEP) on Monday signed an agreement with two Chinese firms and one Kenyan firm for the 70 MW geothermal energy drilling project.

    The two Chinese firms were Shandong Kerui Oilfield Service Group and Shandong Kerui Oilfield Service Group Co. Ltd. Another firm Kenya Electricity Generating Company was also part of the agreement.

    In a press statement, EEP said the two Chinese firms and one Kenyan firm are expected to supply drilling materials as well as drill wells for possible geothermal energy sources in central Ethiopia.

    Named the Aluto- Langano geothermal project, it's part of the Ethiopian government's plans to generate up to 5,000 MW of geothermal energy in the coming few years. Ethiopia currently produces only 7.3 MW of geothermal energy.

    EEP said the agreement with the three firms will see the drilling initially of 22 wells to probe their geothermal energy generation potential.

    EEP further said the geothermal energy project is expected to consume 173.2 million U.S. dollars, with the World Bank expected to cover the total project's cost through loans and grants.

    Ethiopia has the longest section of the 7,000-km East African Rift Valley, which boasts an estimated geothermal potential of 10,000 megawatts (MW), but the country has been unable to match the neighboring Kenya's installed geothermal power capacity of about 630 MW.

    Geothermal energy is considered a reliable renewable energy sources although it involves a greater start-up cost. 

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    The issue of the African Union (AU) and the Haile Selassie monument has been a point of contention since 2012. The controversy started with the unveiling of a statue of Ghanaian Pan-Africanist Kwame Nkrumah at the AU headquarters in Addis Ababa. Built to commemorate his founding role in the Organisation of African Unity, the AU’s predecessor, the Nkrumah statue was inaugurated together with the AU’s new US$200 million Chinese-built headquarters.

    Ethiopians felt that Haile Selassie should have been similarly honoured; in fact, a statue of him should have preceded that of Nkrumah. His supporters argued that Selassie was a famous colonial resistance leader and a longer-standing supporter of African liberation than Nkrumah was.

    They embarked on a campaign to lobby for a Selassie statue, claiming that the man who ruled Ethiopia for 40 years had “the legal, moral, historical and diplomatic legitimacy to have his statue erected next to Kwame Nkrumah”.

    This did not go down well with Ethiopia’s then leader, Meles Zenawi, who said it was “crass” to question the choice of Nkrumah as an African symbol. He has repeatedly denounced Selassie, who died in 1975, as a “feudal dictator”, according to the Independent newspaper.

    “It is only Nkrumah who is remembered whenever we talk about Pan-Africanism,” Meles told local media. “It is a shame not to accept his role.”

    Selassie supporters remained undaunted, saying it was because of Selassie that the AU is in Addis Ababa. “It is not because of the current regime,” historian Mesfin Tariku told The Africa Report. “We have no idea of the criteria used to choose Nkrumah.”

    Read: Look to the East: Haile Selassie and the Rastafari Movement

    Emperor Haile Selassie statue unveiled

    The campaign has ended and its labour has proven to be fruitful: A statue of Emperor Haile Selassie will be unveiled at the 32nd Ordinary Session of the Assembly of the African Union on 10 February 2019 in Addis Ababa.

    The deputy chairperson of the AU noted in the organisation’s press release that “the commemorative statue of Emperor Haile Selassie is an important recognition of the Emperor’s contribution to Africa’s liberation and unity leading up to the founding of the Organisation of African Unity in 1963.”

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    True to the name of Cacharel’s new fragrance… ’Yes I Am’ obsessed with Izzy Bizu. The 24-year-old British-Ethiopian singer-songwriter is commanding attention outside of the music industry as the face of the brand’s feminine new scent. Izzy’s lively personality is the embodiment of the scent’s manifesto, which is synonymous with youth and empowerment.

    The star’s rising status in the music industry has ultimately brought her to the fore. She’s toured with Coldplay (Chris Martin is a big fan) and her first hit single, White Tiger, has garnered over 60 million streams on Spotify. The singer’s excitement for the upcoming release of her second album is palpable: “I’m very, very excited, it’s going to be really cool.”

    Here, Izzy shares her top beauty tips and tricks, “manuka honey is great for dry lips and there’s the added bonus that you can just lick it off,” and why perfume is a “self-love thing.” As I said, obsessed!

     

    “Fragrance is my form of self-love…

    Wearing perfume is a big part of my daily routine and it’s become a part of who I am now. I’ve been wearing it since I was 17. When I was young, my mum would wear it all the time and I would hug her and find the smell so comforting. Or my dad and his aftershave - it would endlessly make me laugh because it was so strong and I’d just be like, ‘yep Dad wears the crazy stuff!’ Fragrance really is part of your personality. When I put it on, I feel more desirable in a weird way. It’s a self-love thing.”

    “Growing up in Britain with a dual identity shaped my approach to beauty…

    Being British-Ethiopian is such an amazing experience. I love exploring both cultures. The other night I met a girl from a neighbouring country to where I’m from and you have that instant connection because you know all about each other’s culture. That’s super cool and I find that when I grew up I kind of turned into my mother who is from Ethiopia. I have certain traits of hers so I very much feel Ethiopian despite never having lived there. Beauty-wise, it’s obviously a little different because I have afro hair - it’s always really fun to experiment with it. I love going to the afro shop and picking all the creams.”

    “The best tip a makeup artist has told me is…

    If you get dry lips, get a toothbrush and just scrub them. Manuka honey is also very good for dry lips and there’s the added bonus that you can just lick it off. Another good piece of beauty advice I was given is to moisturise properly at night time because that’s when the skin regenerates. I’m all about taking care of my skin. The Body Shop Almond Face Mask is my go-to, because I’m on the pill, my skin gets so dry all the time so I have to over compensate with products.”

    “When I’m going out OUT, my beauty look is minimal… but I want to try the pink eyeshadow trend…

    I just put a thin line of liquid liner, concealer under my eyes and some lipstick. I might use coconut oil or Vaseline on my cheeks for a dewy look that looks like you’ve just come back from on a mini holiday.

    t’s easy and I feel like then I don’t have to spend ages taking foundation off at night time. If I sleep with it, it’s not going to be too bad for my skin – I might look like a Panda but who cares. Having said that I really like the pink eyeshadow trend going on. I’ve seen girls wearing it and it looks amazing but I’d need to watch a tutorial on how to do it because it can go so wrong. I quite like the appearance of makeup after a night out where it looks like you’ve done just the right amount. I used to do that at school but my mum would call the secretary and tell her to stand at the door with a makeup wipe and take it off. I was so annoyed at the time but now I thank her because I’d have ended up with really rubbish skin.

    “I love going out and meeting strangers…it builds my confidence…

    I’m very spontaneous. I really love meeting strangers at bars, it’s builds my confidence and makes me feel better about myself. When you live in a city, you can sometimes feel alone but meeting strangers is a reminder that people are more together than you think. Also, we change all the time so it’s really important to meet new people because when you go through that changing process, they are going to feed into that and you feed into them. “

    “I’m going to be slightly more out there with my beauty looks for the next album…

    I’ve got the EP coming out which is very, very exciting. The first single is going to come out in February and then the rest will follow in March. It’s going to be really cool. I don’t think my style has changed much since the first album but I might be slightly more out there with my makeup and hair for this look of the EP. I quite like the idea of having something clean that pops.”

    “I’ve had some VERY interesting beauty regrets…

    When I was 15, I really wanted to have green eyes so I went to Shepherd's Bush and brought really cheap contact lenses but as soon as I put them in my eye, they became instantly bloodshot. I think I was allergic to something or they were just really bad quality but my mum did not approve. I thought they looked sick!”

    Yes I Am EDP by Cacharel, £35 for 30ml, available from Superdrug now.

     

    SOURCE: https://www.glamourmagazine.co.uk/article/izzy-bizu-beauty-interview

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    Ethiopia’s parliament passed what experts consider the “strongest” tobacco legislation on the continent. The law aims to limit tobacco use in the second most populous country in Africa.

    Dubbed the Food and Medicine Administration Proclamation, the law was passed unanimously by the legislators and they’re optimistic it will help safeguard lives and protect the country’s huge population.

    It requires public and work environments to be 100% free from smoking, prohibits campaigns and publicity, limits the sale of laced tobacco products and mandates pictorial warning labels in 70% of the front and back covers of tobacco merchandises.

    The law also prohibits the selling of e-cigarettes, heated tobacco products, shisha, and bans the sale of tobacco products to persons below the age of 21.

    The Toll of Tobacco in Ethiopia:

    Consumption:

    In a country with a population of approximately 105 million, 5% of adults use tobacco with 8.1% men and 1.8% of women engaged in the vice. 1.7% of adults use smokeless tobacco according to Tobacco-free Kids Organization. Among the youth (13-15 years), 7.9% use tobacco and related products.

    Exposure to Second Smoke:

    29.3% of adults aged 15 years and above are exposed to secondhand smoke in enclosed places. 31.1% in restaurants, 60.4% in nightclubs and bars, while 11.4% in public transport vehicles. Youths aged 13 to 15 years are exposed to secondhand smoke in public areas, whereas 14.9% are exposed at home.

    Health Concerns:

    According to Tobacco Atlas, 16,800 people die from tobacco-related diseases in the country. Furthermore, 18,000 children aged 10 to 14 years, and more than two million adults aged 15 years and above use tobacco products daily. Still, Tobacco-free Kids organizations estimate that 65 women and 259 men die each week due to tobacco-related causes.

    The six largest tobacco enterprises had a combined revenue totaling USD 346 Billion in 2016. This revenue is more substantial than Ethiopia’s Gross National Income by 380%. This industry is so dominant such that is doesn’t fear the actions taken by countries like Ethiopia because of their extensive global market share and resources.

    The country ratified the World Health Organization’s framework on tobacco control in April 2014, and it came into effect on the 23rd of June, the same year.

    Having enacted this legislation, the government must move swiftly and implement it as the authorities remain vigilant because tobacco companies will try undermining the progress it has made so far.

    The WHO reports that tobacco kills more than 7 million annually, with 6 million deaths resulting from direct tobacco use. The remaining 1 million are due to exposure to second-hand smoke.

    The government should also consider raising taxes on cigarettes. WHO recommends 70% Excise Tax but Ethiopia charges 13.9%.

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    ADDIS ABABA, (Xinhua) -- Ethiopian Yeneneh Beyene has worked as a public transport vehicle driver for more than nine years traveling across the East African country.

    Beyene often travels to Adama city, capital of Ethiopia's largest Oromia regional state some 100 km south of capital Addis Ababa, along the main import-export corridor.

    As the road that connects Addis Ababa to Adama is part of landlocked Ethiopia's vital road infrastructure linking the capital to Djibouti Port, severe traffic congestion had been a major bottleneck affecting Ethiopia's aspiration to sustain its fast growing economy.

    Beyene had for years used the decades-old two-lane road during his routine trip from Addis Ababa to Adama, which he described as a "challenging and tiresome drive."

    "The road was very congested, full of trucks and freight vehicles," Beyene told Xinhua on Tuesday. "We often had to wait for hours even for minor traffic incidents."

    "What makes the situation even worse was that we had no other alternative road infrastructure than the old line," he said.

    As the number of cars that commute along the road increased rapidly together with Ethiopia's soaring demand for import and export commodities over the past decade, the Addis Ababa-Adama road infrastructure had become a major concern for the Ethiopian government as well as private businesses.

    According to figures from the Ethiopian Roads Authority (ERA), the two-lane largely dilapidated road was forced to handle in excess of 16,000 vehicles on a daily basis, way over its capacity.

    Cognizant to the huge demand for a sustainable road infrastructure connecting the two important cities, the Ethiopian government in 2009 partnered with the Export-Import Bank of China (China Exim Bank) and the China Communications Construction Company (CCCC) to build a modern six-lane toll expressway.

    According to Beyene, the "huge burden is now a distant reality" following the commencement of the 85-km expressway in Sept. 2014.

    "As much as we hated driving along the old-road infrastructure, we are now very happy with the expressway," Beyene said, adding "A simple one-way drive using the old road line would put parts of cars at greater damage, and significant financial cost."

    "It was particularly unthinkable to use the two-lane road at night, mainly due to the road's poor condition," Beyene said as he described the various socioeconomic challenges that emanated from the previous dilapidated road.

    Beyeneh's assertion was also backed by figures from the Ethiopian Toll Roads Enterprise (ETRE), showing that more than 22,000 vehicles are currently using the Addis Ababa-Adama expressway on a daily basis.

    During the 2018 Ethiopian fiscal year alone, the toll road had served more than 7.8 million vehicles, eventually collecting close to 245 million Ethiopian birr (about 9 million U.S. dollars), according to ETRE.

    As the demand increases, ETRE also expects some 8.8 million vehicles during the current fiscal year, with an expected income of 266 million Ethiopian birr.

    The Addis Ababa-Adama toll road, as the first expressway in the East African region, is considered as one major outcome of Ethiopia's cooperation with China in the implementation of the China-proposed Belt and Road Initiative.

    Ethiopia, as one of the countries cooperating in the implementation of the initiative, had also accomplished Africa's first transnational electrified railway, connecting Addis Ababa with the Red Sea nation Djibouti.

    In addition to the 752-km Addis Ababa-Djibouti railway, the East African country had also witnessed a 475-million-U.S.-dollar light rail system in its capital Addis Ababa, which was built with Chinese technology and 85 percent funding from the China Exim Bank.

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    For the third time in as many years, thousands of Ethiopian citizens of Israel demonstrated against police violence this week. On Jan. 18, officers gunned down Yehuda Biadga, a 24-year old Israeli of Ethiopian background, who was wandering the streets of his neighborhood in the city of Bat Yam, just south of Tel Aviv.

    According to family members, the young man left his home in the evening hours of that fatal day. He was distraught and carried a knife as he wandered around the neighborhood — Biadga suffered from severe PTSD after his release from the Israeli army. The family immediately called the police, informing them that Biadga suffered from a mental illness and had not taken his medication, but that he did not pose any danger.

    Police took just over 50 minutes to arrive and commence searching for the young man. It was during the belated search that police said one of the officers saw Biadga approaching with a knife and ordered him to stop, but he ignored the officer’s warnings. The officer, who told police he had reason to fear for his life, fired two shots at Biadga’s upper body, killing him. Police officials rejected accusations that the officer opened fire because Biadga was black, claiming instead that the policeman’s life was at risk.

    The Justice Ministry’s Police Internal Investigations Department — an external agency meant to investigate and prosecutes officers — has launched an investigation. Police placed the officer on leave, per his request.

    The shooting reignited tensions between Israel’s Ethiopian community and the police, which has long been accused of using a heavy hand against the country’s visible minorities, particularly against citizens of Ethiopian descent. Over 15,000 Ethiopian Israelis and their supporters marched in the streets of Tel Aviv on Wednesday, blocking the Ayalon Highway, one of the country’s main arteries, and calling for an end to “racist police violence,” which they say is a daily experience for them.

    Despite the large turnout, members of the Ethiopian community are in despair over police brutality. Biadga’s killing is just the latest, most extreme incident, says Efrat Yerday, a prominent Ethiopian-Israeli activist, but it is a salutary example of the way Israeli officers treat young Ethiopians. “The police want to talk about [Biadga’s] violence, [but] they don’t want to talk about the hour that the family waited for officers to arrive or the fact that they shot him twice in the upper body. They are building a narrative that makes the officer look like the victim in this situation.”

    Police push demonstrators back during a protest against police brutality targeting Israelis of Ethiopian descent, July 3, 2016. (Oren Ziv/Activestills.org)

    Police push demonstrators back during a protest against police brutality targeting Israelis of Ethiopian descent, July 3, 2016. (Oren Ziv/Activestills.org)

    Wednesday’s march ended with a vigil in Rabin Square, one of Tel Aviv’s central gathering points and the site of bloody clashes in 2015, when thousands of Ethiopians demonstrated following a number of high-profile incidents of police violence. Those clashes left dozens wounded, after police on horseback beat protesters with riot sticks and used tear gas and stun grenades to disperse them. Israelis were stunned by widely disseminated images of bloodied protesters in the country’s most famous public square.

    Less than a year later, Ethiopian-Israelis turned out in the streets once more. This time they were protesting the police having closed a criminal investigation against two officers who tasered Yosef Salamsa, a 22-year-old Israeli-Ethiopian, in the northern town of Zichron Yaakov in 2014.

    Three months after the incident, Salamsa, who had been traumatized by the encounter, committed suicide by jumping off a cliff. Investigators did not find the officers guilty of criminal conduct, but they recommended disciplinary action against the two for having lied about warning Salamsa before firing a taser at him, and for having left him outside the police station for 35 minutes, injured and unattended.

    Relatives and members of the Jewish Ethiopian community protest during a march held in memory of Yosef Salamsa, January 4, 2015. Salamsa took his own life after alleged police harassment.

    Relatives and members of the Jewish Ethiopian community protest during a march held in memory of Yosef Salamsa, January 4, 2015. Salamsa took his own life after alleged police harassment. (Activestills.org)

    ‘It’s incitement against Ethiopians, plain and simple’

    More than 135,000 Ethiopian Jews live in Israel, most of whom are the children of those who immigrated in the mid-80s or early 90s. Now second-generation Israelis, most of the community is still struggling to be integrated into mainstream society. Their socio-economic status is low, and they suffer gaps in housing, education, and employment. According to a 2011 report by the Myers-JDC-Brookdale Institute in Jerusalem, 65 percent of Ethiopian children in Israel live in poverty.

    “To be Ethiopian in this country is to be constantly struggling for something,” says Ziva Mekonen-Degu, the executive director of the Israel Association for Ethiopian Jews, established in 1993 to close social gaps and improve the lives of Ethiopian Israelis. “We have been struggling, since we came to this country, to be recognized and treated fairly. Today the struggle is against police brutality, which is a result of racism against black people in this country.”

    Yerday, the activist, says the underlying reasons for police targeting are two-fold: a deep belief that Ethiopians, and black people in general, are inherently more violent; and the media’s failure to investigate incidents of police violence. Instead of investigating independently, media outlets often report the police version as straight news, she says.

    “They claimed that the march would be violent, that the lives of police officers would be put in danger. All the biggest news outlets took their headlines straight from the police playbook. It’s incitement against Ethiopians, plain and simple,” she says.

    This time, however, the demonstrations were largely peaceful. Police refrained from using violent crowd control measures, as they had in 2015. There were a few isolated clashes when a small group of protesters broke away from the main demonstration, damaging parked cars, trashing a café, and setting fire to trash cans. Police arrested 11, nine of whom were brought in front of a judge on Thursday morning.

    Thousands of Ethiopian Israelis and their supporters marched against police violence in Tel Aviv on Jan. 30, 2018, weeks following the fatal police shooting of Yehuda Biadga. The protests ended with a vigil in Rabin Square. (Activestills.org/Oren Ziv)

    Thousands of Ethiopian Israelis and their supporters marched against police violence in Tel Aviv on Jan. 30, 2018, weeks following the fatal police shooting of Yehuda Biadga. The protests ended with a vigil in Rabin Square. (Oren Ziv/Activestills.org)

    ‘It’s about racism against black people writ large’ 

    According to police data provided to the Israel Association for Ethiopian Jews, the number of cases opened by the police against members of the Ethiopian community between 2014 and 2017 increased by 20 percent, even as it decreased by six percent for the total Jewish population. During those same years, cases opened against Ethiopians accused of assaulting an officer increased by 25 percent.

    Moreover, a report published by the Public Defender’s Office in 2016 found that almost 90 percent of young Israeli offenders of Ethiopian descent are sentenced to prison — three times the percentage for non-immigrant Jewish minors and twice the percentage of Arab minors.

    Both social gaps and police violence have pushed governmental authorities to act. Following the bloody protests of 2015, the Israeli government established a ministerial committee headed by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to look at recommendations made in the 2016 Palmor Report, which recognized institutionalized discrimination against Ethiopians and sought solutions that would close socio-economic gaps.

    The ministerial committee enacted a 71-point plan to integrate Ethiopians at an estimated cost of NIS 165 million per year. The plan includes increasing the percentage of Ethiopian-Israelis eligible for high school matriculation; increasing the scope of gifted and outstanding students, and placing them in appropriate education programs; increasing the number of officers in the army and in the police force; integrating academics into higher paying jobs in the private sector; and subsidizing vouchers for extracurricular activities for children.

    “The Palmor Report showed very clearly that Israeli police disproportionately target Ethiopians,” says Anne Suciu, an attorney for the Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI) who focuses on racial profiling and police violence.

    Suciu says the government has recognized that Ethiopians are over-policed, among other minority groups, and it is this recognition that has led the Justice Ministry to allow Ethiopians to request their criminal records be expunged. Still, Suciu says, the police continue targeting Ethiopians due to the color of their skin.

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    Meanwhile, the police have poured millions of shekels into various programs to strengthen ties with the Ethiopian community, and to — a decision that has been criticized by Ethiopian-Israeli leaders. “This is the same police whose former commissioner said it is ‘natural’ for officers to suspect Ethiopians,” says Mekonen-Degu. “I don’t need them to learn my culture, I don’t need them to eat my food. I need them to stop looking at my son suspiciously.”

    The problem, Yerday adds, is anti-black racism among police, whether it targets Ethiopian citizens or African refugees: “If we think that racism begins and ends with Eritreans and Sudanese asylum seekers, we are sorely mistaken. It’s about racism against black people writ large.”

    Yerday is exasperated, and it shows. “I don’t know what to tell my community anymore,” she says. “People are calling me every day to tell me they feel helpless and hopeless. Men and women who are afraid of the future. They are afraid for themselves. This place is deteriorating, and I am afraid that we won’t have any reason left to stay here. It’s extremely worrying.”

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    From its hillside overlooking the Ethiopian capital, Berhanu Mengistu's century-old, gabled family home has seen emperors and governments rise and fall.

    It has withstood economic stagnation and the rapid population growth that replaced its once-patrician neighbours with a rabble of shacks.

    But it now stands lonely in a field of weeds, the house's corrugated roof and red plaster walls stark against a fast-changing cityscape of cleared slums, tower cranes and glinting high rises.

    Palatial homes like Berhanu's are scattered throughout Addis Ababa, built for imperial-era courtiers and foreign business moguls, but most have slid into dire neglect as the government focuses on an aspirational building boom.

     
     

    "Nowadays, most of the buildings you see are more of the European architecture," said Berhanu, a supply chain manager whose house has been in his family for seven generations.

    Across the capital, older, poorer neighbourhoods - like the one that once surrounded Berhanu's home - have been levelled to make way for glass-and-concrete towers, lauded by the government as a symbol of the rapid economic expansion transforming one of Africa's poorest countries.

    But preservationists worry that the breakneck development comes at the cost of the capital's architectural heritage.

    "There are isolated efforts of protecting, saving historic buildings, but it's really very limited," said Fasil Giorghis, a well-known architect.

    "It is not even a given that you should protect a historic building."

     A young city 

    Addis Ababa was founded in the late 19th century by Emperor Menelik II as he expanded the Ethiopian empire from the country's northern highlands to its modern boundaries.

    The young city soon filled with houses belonging to members of Menelik's government, among them Berhanu's ancestor Yemtu Beznash, the family matriarch and administrator of a powerful law court.

    Menelik, who died in 1913, also hired Armenians as city engineers, while merchants came from India and Yemen.

    That cosmopolitanism was upended in 1974 with the arrival of the Derg military junta, which dismantled the Ethiopian empire.

    Fasil recounted how, as foreign traders fled, the communist-leaning Derg handed their former mansions to poor tenants, who could not afford to maintain the earthen walls and wooden floors.

    'Ideological shift' 

    The Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), which evicted the Derg in 1991 and continues to rule today, has presided over an economic boom.

    This has seen contractors from China and elsewhere set to work on half-built skyscrapers that give the capital's skyline a jagged, unfinished feel.

    Maheder Gebremedhin, an architect who hosts a radio show discussing the trade, says the neglect of the old buildings is due to the cost and complexity of renovation, as well as a lingering ambivalence towards the imperial past.

    "Because of the ideological shift, there is not a real interest to keep these buildings," Maheder said.

     Heritage, abandoned 

    Government and private donors have successfully restored a handful of buildings, including one of Menelik's palaces and the mansion of a former defence minister that's been converted into a museum.

    But city authorities acknowledge that most of the 440 buildings that have been designated heritage sites are rundown.

    "Because of our capacity as a developing country, they can't be repaired all the time," said Worku Mengesha, a spokesperson for Addis Ababa's tourism office.

    A decade ago, foreign embassies and Ethiopian preservationists tried to restore the Mohammadali house, once the property of a wealthy Indian businessman featuring prominent Indian and Arabian architectural elements in addition to its imperial-era Ethiopian style.

    However, bureaucracy and shoddy construction scuppered the effort, Fasil said.

    As a result, it is padlocked and abandoned, with parked cars sheltering beneath its Indian-inspired arches and a pair of discarded trousers draped across its faded cream staircase.

    Other historic buildings continue in their Derg-era role of housing for the poor, or in their slow decrepitude.

    The expansive former palace of Hojele Al-Hassen, a wealthy traditional ruler during the Menelik era, still houses people from his western region, who spend after-work hours socialising on the wraparound veranda.

    But it's increasingly dilapidated, with an entire decaying wing that once served as a school classroom sealed off for safety.

    Family history, city history 

    Three years ago, as city authorities levelled the homes that had mushroomed around Berhanu's house, he kept the bulldozers at bay by having his home designated an historic building.

    Berhanu now hopes to turn his family history into national history.

    Standing near a large portrait of the matriarch Yemtu, he spoke of his dream to make a museum of the house whose rooms are filled with family photographs and heirlooms, including a wall-spanning snake skin.

    "This is not only our property. It belongs to all Ethiopians and people of Addis Ababa," he said.

    He hopes the city will agree.

    Across the street in the slum area the government wants cleared, his neighbour Solomon Damana had recently resolved a dispute with city authorities and was following orders to demolish the small family home in which he was born and raised and move to a one-bedroom apartment on the outskirts of town.

    "I'm happy that one isn't demolished," he said, gesturing at Berhanu's place. "It's an historic house."

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    የመንግሥት ተጠሪ ሚኒስትሩ ለዳኞች አስተዳደር ጉባዔ አባልነት እንዲሾሙ የቀረበውን ጥያቄ ፓርላማው ውድቅ አደረገ

    የሕዝብ ተወካዮች ምክር ቤት ለፌዴራል ዳኞች አስተዳደር ጉባዔ አባልነት ከቀረቡለት ዕጩዎች መካከል፣ በምክር ቤቱ የመንግሥት ተጠሪ ሚኒስትር የሆኑትን የአቶ ገብረ እግዚአብሔር አርዓያን የሹመት ጥያቄ እንደማይቀበለው በመግለጽ ውድቅ አደረገ።

     በአገሪቱ የዳኝነት ሥርዓት ላይ ከፍተኛ የአስተዳደር ሚና ለዳኞች አስተዳደር ጉባዔ በሕግ መሰጠቱ ይታወቃል። የጉባዔው አባላትም ታዋቂ ሰዎች፣ የሕግ ባለሙያዎችና ሦስት የምክር ቤት አባላት እንደሚሆኑ በሕግ የተደነገገ ነው።

     በዚህ መሠረት እስከ ቅርብ ጊዜ ድረስ ምክር ቤቱን በመወከል የዳኞች አስተዳደር ጉባዔ አባል በነበሩት ምትክ በአፈ ጉባዔው የታጩ ሌሎች ሦስት አባላት፣ ማክሰኞ ታኅሳስ 9 ቀን 2011 ዓ.ም. ለምክር ቤቱ ቀርበዋል።

    ምክር ቤቱን በመወከል የዳኞች አስተዳደር ጉባዔ አባላት የነበሩትን መተካት ያስፈለገው፣ የዳኝነት ዘርፉን ተዓማኒና ገለልተኛ ለማድረግና ጠንካራ የክትትልና የቁጥጥር አሠራር ማስፈን አስፈላጊ በመሆኑ ስለታመነበት እንደሆነ ተገልጿል።

    በዕለቱ ምክር ቤቱን በመወከል የዳኞች አስተዳደር ጉባዔ አባል እንዲሆኑ በዕጩነት የቀረቡት ወ/ሮ ሰናይት አንዳርጌ፣ አቶ ጴጥሮስ ወልደ ሰንበትና አቶ ገብረ እግዚአብሔር አርዓያ ናቸው።

     ይሁን እንጂ የምክር ቤቱ አባላት ከቀረቡት ዕጩዎች መካከል በተለየ ሁኔታ፣ አቶ ገብረ እግዚአብሔር የዳኞች አስተዳደር ጉባዔ አባል ሊሆኑ አይገባም በማለት ተከራክረዋል።

     ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ዓብይ አህመድ (ዶ/ር) ከወር በፊት በሰጡት ሹመት መሠረት አቶ ገብረ እግዚአብሔር በፓርላማው የመንግሥት ተጠሪ ሚኒስትር በመሆን፣ ለበርካታ ዓመታት በዚህ ኃላፊነት ላይ የቆዩትን አቶ አስመላሽ ወልደ ሥላሴን እንዲተኩ ተደርጓል።

    አቶ አስመላሽ የመንግሥት ተጠሪ ሚኒስትር ሆነው ከማገልገላቸው በተጨማሪ፣ የሕዝብ ተወካዮች ምክር ቤትን በመወከል ለረጅም ዓመታት የዳኞች አስተዳደር ጉባዔ አባል እንደነበሩና በጉባዔው ውስጥም ተፅዕኖ ፈጣሪ እንደነበሩ ይነገርላቸዋል።

    አቶ ገብረ እግዚአብሔር የመንግሥት ተጠሪ ሚኒስትር በመሆን አቶ አስመላሽን እንዲተኩ በጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ የተሾሙት፣ የመንግሥት ተጠሪ ሚኒስትርን የመሾም ሥልጣን በቀጥታ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩን የሚመለከት በመሆኑ ነው።

    ይህንን ተከትሎ አቶ ገብረ እግዚአብሔር ፓርላማውን በመወከል የዳኞች አስተዳደር ጉባዔ አባል የነበሩትን አቶ አስመላሽ እንዲተኩ ቢታጩም፣ ፓርላማው በፍፁም አልተቀበለውም።

    የምክር ቤቱ አባላት መከራከሪያ የነበረው የመንግሥት ተጠሪ የሆነን ግለሰብ የዳኞች አስተዳደር ጉባዔ አድርጎ መሾም፣ መንግሥት በፍትሕ ሥርዓቱ ውስጥ ጣልቃ እንዲገባ መፍቀድ ነው የሚል ነበር።

    በተጨማሪም እስከ ቅርብ ጊዜ ድረስ የመንግሥት ተጠሪ ሚኒስትር የዳኞች አስተዳደር ጉባዔ አባል ሆኖ እንዲሠራ መፈቀዱ፣ በዳኝነት ሥርዓቱ ላይ ጉዳት ማድረሱን በመጥቀስ የምክር ቤቱ አባላት ክርክራቸውን አቅርበዋል።

     በተለይ በጉባዔው የሚወከሉ የምክር ቤቱ አባላት በቂ የሕግ ዕውቀት ያላቸው መሆን እንዳለባቸው በመጥቀስ የምክር ቤቱ አባላት የተከራከሩ ሲሆን፣ ከዚህ በፊት የምክር ቤቱ አባላት በጉባዔው ቢወከሉም በአገሪቱ ሲፈጸሙ የነበሩ አስነዋሪ የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥሰቶችን መከላከል እንዳልቻሉ ሞግተዋል።

    አሁን የጉባዔው አባል ለመሆን መወከል ያለባቸው ያለፈው ዓይነት የመብት ጥሰትና የተዛባው የዳኝነት ሥርዓት እንዲታረም የተሻለ የሚሠሩና የሕግ ዕውቀት ያላቸው የምክር ቤቱ አባላት መሆን እንደሚገባቸው ተከራክረዋል።

    ከዚህም አንፃር ከዕጩዎቹ መካከል አቶ ገብረ እግዚአብሔር ለዕጩነት እንደማይመጥኑ አባላቱ ተሟግተዋል። አቶ ገብረ እግዚአብሔር የቀረበባቸውን ተቃውሞ በማስመልከት በሰጡት አስተያየት፣ “የምክር ቤቱን ሐሳብ ተቀብያለሁ፣ ራሴንም ከዕጩነት አንስቻለሁ፤” ብለዋል። በዚህም መሠረት በአቶ ገብረ እግዚአብሔር ምትክ ሌላ አባል ከምክር ቤቱ ተለይቶ እንዲቀርብ በመስማማት፣ የተቀሩትን ሁለት ዕጩዎች ሹመት ምክር ቤቱ በአብላጫ ድምፅ አፅድቋል።

    የዳኞች አስተዳደር ጉባዔ የዳኝነት ሥርዓቱ በገለልተኝነት እንዲከናወን፣ ዳኞችም ሙያዊ ብቃታቸውን ነፃነታቸውንና ገለልተኝነታቸውን ጠብቀው ኃላፊነታቸውን መወጣታቸውን የመከታተልና ዕርምጃ የመውሰድ ሕጋዊ ኃላፊነት የተሰጠው ነው። ከኃላፊነቶቹ መካከልም ዕጩ ዳኞችን በመመልመል በጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ አማካይነት እንዲሾሙ ማድረግ፣ በፓርላማ የተሾሙ ዳኞች ገለልተኝነትንና የዳኝነት ሥነ ምግባርን መጣሳቸው ቅሬታ የቀረበ እንደሆነ፣ ይህንኑ መርምሮ ጥፋተኛ ሆነው በተገኙ ዳኞች ላይ አስተዳደራዊ ዕርምጃ እንዲወሰድ ወይም ከዳኝነት እንዲሰናበቱ ለሾማቸው የሕዝብ ተወካዮች ምክር ቤት የውሳኔ ሐሳብ ማቅረብ ይገኝበታል።

    ቀደም ሲል ምክር ቤቱን በመወከል የጉባዔው አባል የነበሩት አቶ አስመላሽ ወልደ ሥላሴ፣ አቶ ተስፋዬ ዳባና ወ/ሮ ገነት ታደሰ ነበሩ። ፓርላማው ማክሰኞ ታኅሳስ 9 ቀን 2011 ዓ.ም. ባደረገው ስብሰባ ከተመለከታቸው ሌሎች ጉዳዮች መካከል በኢትዮጵያና በሩዋንዳ መካከል በኮሙዩኒኬሽን ኢንፎርሜሽን፣ በግብርናና በሚዲያ ዘርፍ የተፈረመውን የትብብር ስምምነት ለማፅደቅ የቀረበ ረቂቅ አዋጅን ሲሆን፣ ይህንኑ ረቂቅ በተመለከተ ከተወያየ በኋላ ለዝርዝር ዕይታ ለሚመለከተው ቋሚ ኮሚቴ መርቶታል።

     በተመሳሳይ በኢትዮጵያና በዓለም አቀፍ የልማት ማኅበር መካከል ለኢትዮጵያ ‹ኢኮኖሚክ ኦፖርቹኒቲ ፕሮግራም› ማስፈጸሚያ የተደረገውን የብድር ስምምነት ለማፅደቅ የቀረበ ረቂቅ አዋጅን ለዝርዝር ዕይታ ለቋሚ ኮሚቴ መርቷል

    SOURCE: EhiopianReporter

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    By By Chombe Teshome

    The question why one makes a pledge to the profession he finds himself or herself in is not an easy question to answer, especially if it is self-initiated. Professional pledges are not enforceable or punishable by law. However, pledges of different kinds have been made since time immemorial. Hippocratic pledge (not to be confused with Hypocrite) is an expression of ideal conduct for a physician. Although written in antiquity, its principles are held sacred by doctors to this day. The pledges such as first do no harm ( primum non cocere);  attend for the benefit of the sick, remaining free of all intentional injustice, of all mischief;  apply your skill, for the benefit of the sick are just some of Hippocrates pledges. Thus a professional pledge is simply a promise to engage only in honorable and upstanding endeavors by an ethical professional person. At the same time setting up a higher standard of conduct for those who will venture to follow the particular profession. Naturally, pledges are measured by none other than their applications. If the practical application of the pledges is in conflict with the actual pledges given, it is safe to conclude that the intended purpose of the pledge may not be in service of the profession, but for self-aggrandizement and deceit. Here is where Tsegaye Ararsa’s  “pledges of legal academic “ serves  as exhibit A of a Hypocrite of the highest order.

    While surfing on internet, I stumbled up on the pledges of a Legal academic, written beautifully in the tone of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr, by none other than our own rabble-rouser who we have come to know as Tsegaye  Regassa. Obviously, his pledges were written a particular audience in mind; those who he calls “corps of intellectuals” in Melbourne, Australia, and may be far beyond; I guess, the aim of the writing was to present himself as upright ethical man, and in due course, to impress and to garner the acceptance and respect of those he is writing to.  After reading those holier-than -thou pledges, one would presume, the “corps of intellectuals”, would be very much impressed by Tsegay Ararsa’s pledge to adhere to Ethical excellence; oblivious, of course, to the less couched and more edgy agitator we have come to know on Ormia Media Network and facebook, where he regularly avails himself to conduct his hate propaganda unabated.

    What will be attempted here is not ad hominem attacks, which is his preferred tool of argument, rather to show how far apart Tsegaye stands from promises he made to honor these uplifting, inspirational universal values. 

      Tsegaye starts his pledge with pretentious meekery by stating how he has been burdened by privileges bestowed up on him, and how he has been humbled by the responsibility he has come to shoulder as legal scholar; thus, mindful of the debt he owe to the society, Tsegaye promises introspectively to legislate softly, persuasively, and lovingly.

    Examples abound to show that despite his claim to contrary, Tsegaye Ararssa has failed ignobly to meet the bear minimum of what he proclaims to be his guiding light in his professional life; in opposition to it though, he has made false statements, stereotypes made up anecdotes to deform historical facts, to agitate and to sow further divisions among Ethiopian communities; especially, between Oromo and Amhara Ethiopians. A short detour to Tsegay’s face book uncannily demonstrates how his actions betray his promised stance; With a show of pumping fist meme way high, and pages full of vitriol, his claim to love and persuasion has proved many times over to be hollow. For now, though, let us return to his pledges.

    At first glance, these pledges contain lofty virtues and ideals most people would stand behind in heartbeat. Had Tsegaye failed short of the pledge he made while trying, no one would have hold that against him; because, it’s the principle he is advancing and his good intention that should count more than his shortcomings. Furthermore, adherence to ethical engagement in public discourse is exactly what we Ethiopians expect from a man of jurisprudence, not a violent laced political agitation, which threatens the lives of Ethiopians on grand scale.

    This might come as surprised to those “ corps of intellectuals” who don’t speak and write Amharic and Oromaffia language, but for us Ethiopians Tsegaye comes across as very vindictive agitator who wants nothing else except to exact revenge for real and perceived historical misdeeds. If the multinational country, Ethiopia, go up in flames while Tsegay pursues his social engineering agenda, he couldn’t care less. Let’s address some of the agitation tactics he uses  to arouse emotional frenzy in gullible youth, who commit wanton ethnic targeted mob justice on unsuspected civilians.

    For instance, he stereotypically portrays   Amharas and Ethiopist (the name he uses interchangeably) as evil incarnate; in one of the anecdotes he repeatedly attempts to prove the devilish nature of Amharas on Oromo Media Network, by telling the story of, how the Benishangul people leave the market place whenever they notice Amharas are entering the market area: He emphatically underlines the significance of that to those who were participating on the panel discussion. What he was trying to insinuate was that the coming of Amharas into the market was considered as a sign of omen, so Benishangle leave the market to avoid the evil that would befall them had they stayed. To hear this kind of negative stereotype spread on Oromo Media network by supposedly the man of jurisprudence is very disconcerting. And for sure, this kind of propaganda stimulates hatred toward the stereotyped community, and it has deadly consequences for many Amharas and other nationalities who living in Benishangul or in other part of Ethiopia. In the recent past many Amharas have been killed or uprooted because of inflammatory ethnic propaganda  Tsegaye and his supporters spread on internet and other mass media outlets unabated. For example, in August of this year in rally that was held  in Shashemene to welcome Jawar Mohammed, the young man who was falsely accused of being a security threat to Mr Jawar was hanged upside down on utility pole and was beaten to death by a mob.

    The other propaganda piece Tsegay actively engages in is portraying Addis Ababa residents as others. Although the Ethiopian living in Addis Ababa are from all parts of Ethiopia,and most consider the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa to be the melting pot of  Ethiopian nationalities, this is not true of Tsegay. For him they are Minilik settlers (invaders, blood letters) insinuating that Ethiopians from other part of Ethiopia are aliens and enemies of Oromo Ethiopians. Thus presenting theme as targets to be aimed at.  Tsegay and Co even coined a new name for Ethiopians living in Addis Ababa, “homeless”. He continues to actively involve in labeling them making them a target; what he is preparing the ground for obviously is for a violent retribution against this population. Mind you 40% of Addis Ababa resident are Oromos, even according to Tsegaye,which is the proportional population share of Ethiopian-oromos, that is without counting Oromo-Ethiopians with mixed heritage, which Tsegay is one.

    Althouigh Tsegay swears by to legislate softly, persuasively, and lovingly. He has no desire to even engage in healthy debate with Ethiopians. His aversion is aptly captured with what he posted on his facebook recently. Tsegay wrote “ It’s an unfortunate fact of post-colonial reality that one is locked into using the name Ethiopia even in entering the debate

    So if Tsegay is so offended to even engage in discussion with Ethiopians; it begs the question what is Tsegay really up to? Tsegaye’s agenda is not justice, not democracy or equality,but  the destruction of Ethiopia. Whenever he uses catchy words, such as justice, democracy etc, his intention is to camouflage his latent desire to dismantle Ethiopia. Tsegaye wearing his Oromo nationalist clad, with his scorch earth approach, anything Ethiopian has to be assailed; neither facts he doesn’t like nor groups he considers inimical has to be discredited using all the sophistry he could muster. Those who argue with him on substance, he labels them either as Oromo- phobic or dimwits. Since he wears the Oromo nationalist hat, he plays a victim and a defender at the same time in order to silence the Ethiopian nationalist he abhors to engage with.

    Tsegaye presents himself as a legal scholar in Ethiopian ethicized constitutional order, and he is a true believer in the full implementation of it. Although he is quite aware the so called constitution has served only the minority TPLF government to overlord the Ethiopian people by pitting one group against the other, Tsegay insists that all cures to what ails Ethiopia can be found only in TPLF’s constitution. Truth to be told, Tsegaye  never shy about putting forward his  service credential  in service of the TPLF government. He was the person TPLF leaders, such as Abay Tehay, turned to for legal advice when crises arises, He was a teacher in Civil Service College, the institution that TPLF established to train its cadres. Thus he is not opposing TPLF’s policies for its divisiveness and the mayhem it brought in the life of the Ethiopian people, but his beef with TPLF is that the sought after destruction of Ethiopia didn’t materialize in TPLF watch, from which he hoped his utopian Oromia supposedly to sprang out.  To accomplish this goal Tsegay knows he can not employ persuasion, surly he knows as well that unity and mutual accommodation also are not going to serve him as well. So he has made a calculated plan to wedge mistrust and hatred among the Ethiopian people so that in the long run the end result will be what he always wanted, the destruction of Ethiopia, which he loathes without reservation.

    Like the Greeks Goddess of virtue, Arete, Tsegay’s claim to excellence in virtues is limitless. He pledges to all of us that he will approach public texts with the ethics of reverence to restore hermeneutical sanity , interpretive integrity.

       Having made this lofty, whiter than cloud, pledge, he turns around to make a travesty of historical proportion by disfiguring historical facts, by taking statements out of context to further his antiEthiopan political agenda when he attempted to enlighten us that Minilk’s refusal not to be categorize as a negro was a declaration to be recognize as a Caucasian. If we follow Tsegay’s logic of reductio ad absurdum, Minilik  must have declared I am white (እኔ ፈረንጅ ነኝ), cause Minilke might not be privy to the Carleton S. Coon’s race classification, which Caucasian is just one of five.   The reason Tsegaye makes this kind of outlandish assertion is simple–to dislodge Minilik from the high pedestal the black people of the world sat him on for his anticolonial victory in Adwa, and for upending the stigma of inferior race categorization by utterly vanquishing a white colonial power on its own soil, Ethiopia.

    Tsegaya’s glittering pledges are really sights to be hold: He pledges that he has the duty to imagine, and help society imagine a better world, a different world, a new heaven and a new earth” and he takes this as his prophetic duty;  to be a custodian of love, hope and future, to fight hatred, despair and cynicism.

     This would have been a pledge Mother Teresa would make, rather than the hate spewing, know it all megalomaniac, Tsegay Ararrsa . To be fair though let us look at whether his actions withstand the slightest scrutiny of his own declared pledge.

    The majority of Ethiopians had been rightly concerned that if and when TPLF collapses of its own weight, this ethnically fractured nation would sink into a civil war from which it would be incapable of recovering. The Ethiopian youth from Oromo, Amhara, and other nationalities, determined to bring democracy have made a great sacrifice and put a tremendous pressure to get rid the government. The Young Oromo-Ethiopian leaders lead by  Lema Megersa and Abey Mohamed took a decisive action in the nick of time to save the country from civil war and complete disintegration. With the concerted effort with Gedu, and Demeke, the country veered away from a national catastrophe. These reformist leaders got unwavering support from all corners of Ethiopia. The actions taken and the changes these leaders brought to Ethiopia don’t need to be enumerated here; However, for Tsegay Ararssa and his radical followers  both Lema and Abey are the epitome of  sellouts.

    Tsegay’s  vicious attack against Dr Abey Mohamed and Lema Megersa emanates from his veisiral hatred toward anything Ethiopian.  He harangues Abay as the savior of Ethiopia from Oromo, as if Oromo and Ethiopia are mutually exclusive entities. Tsegays haughtiness doesn’t seem to know bound; he tells for all to hear with chest-thumping triumphalism that Abey is in the position he is because of him, i.e. the king maker. He is remorseful that Abey and Lema had been able to pull Ethiopia from the edge of fragmentation. Tsegay caricature’s Abey by saying “Putting an Oromo in a Menelikan palace won’t do, especially when that Oromo is a Menelik in an Oromo body. That is the hate monger Tsegay’s way to derogate Abey as the Ethiopian version of uncle tom.

    This is the most hateful statement one can make against another human being let alone on a national leader who is trying to do his best to save a country of more than one hundred million people from going off the cliff. Despite the well-orchestrated attempt that was made to snuff out Abey Mhamed’s  life  by radical Oromo fringe groups in cahoots with TPLF honchos, the Prime Minster and his reformist colleagues are forging ahead to establish a country where individual and group rights are supplementary, but never contradictory. After all these harangues, hatemongering, Tsegay   still wants to be called the up right man who is a custodian of love and hope and a person who stands against hatred. As Jawaharial Nehru put it “ the person who talks most of his own virtue is often the least virtuous”

    What Ethiopians need to avoid is to overlook or to underestimate the threat the likes of Tsegay Ararssa poses to our national existence. There is a direct relation between the recent spate of violence in Oromoia and many other parts of the country and the active agitation that has been going on by Tsegay Ararrsa’s and Co on OMN and facebook. Given how close we have come to a national disaster; we don’t have the luxury of letting our guard down or letting this rare opportunity to establish a true democratic governance slip through our fingers.   We no longer afford to be the proverbial “ostrich with its head in sand”.

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