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  • Ethiopia: East Africa’s Emerging Giant


    Children play within the Balderas condominium in Addis Ababa. Tiksa Negeri/Reuters

    Ethiopia’s new leader is seeking aggressive reforms to put an end to discord and build on the country’s progress in recent decades, but a towering set of challenges threatens his agenda.

    October 5, 2018


    Ethiopia, Africa’s second-most-populous country, has suffered military rule, civil war, and catastrophic famine over the past half century. Yet in recent years it has emerged as a beacon of stability in the Horn of Africa, enjoying rapid economic growth and increasing strategic importance in the region. However, starting in 2015, a surge in political turmoil rooted in an increasingly repressive ruling party and disenfranchisement of various ethnic groups threatened the country’s progress.

    Since taking office in April 2018, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has responded with promises of dramatic political and economic reforms and has shepherded a historic peace deal with neighboring Eritrea. The new leader’s aggressive approach to change has been met with exuberance among many Ethiopians, but experts warn that Abiy’s challenge to a decades-old political order faces major obstacles, and it is yet unclear whether he can follow through on his agenda.


    Ethiopia Map

    What is Ethiopia’s political backdrop?

    Ethiopia was ruled under a single dynasty, the House of Solomon, from antiquity until the 1970s. One of just two African nations to avoid European colonization—Liberia being the other—it was nonetheless occupied by Italy in the 1930s, forcing Emperor Haile Selassie to flee. He was only able to return after British and Ethiopian forces expelled the Italian army in the course of World War II.

    In 1974, a communist military junta known as the Derg, or “committee,” overthrew Haile Selassie, whose rule had been undermined by a failure to address an ongoing famine. During the resulting civil war, the military regime violently persecuted its rivals, real and suspected; a particularly deadly campaign, begun in 1976, was known as Qey Shibir, or the Red Terror. Tens of thousands of people died as a direct result of state violence, and hundreds of thousands more died in the 1983–85 famine.

    In 1989, several opposition groups came together to form the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), led by Meles Zenawi Asres of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front. The government had been weakened after losing the support of the Soviet Union, itself on the verge of collapse, and the EPRDF forces defeated the Derg in 1991.

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    Meles led the country for more than two decades, during which he consolidated his party’s hold on power. He introduced ethnic federalism, or the reorganization of regional government along ethnic lines, and he oversaw an era of massive investment, both public and private, to which many observers attributed the country’s subsequent growth. Critics, however, say Meles was a strongman who suppressed dissent and favored the country’s Tigrayan minority. Following Meles’s death in 2012, his deputy prime minister, Hailemariam Desalegn, took over.


    Ethiopia Timeline

    What were the 2015–17 protests about?

    Popular anger swelled in late 2015, driven by frustration over government tactics that denied Ethiopians basic civil and political rights, as well as complaints by the country’s two largest ethnic groups, the Oromo and the Amhara, that they had long been shut out of power by the Tigray minority that dominated the ruling coalition. Additionally, analysts say that Ethiopia’s land tenure system, in which ownership rights are vested in the state, has long fostered discontent. Under the system, the government has forcibly relocated tens of thousands of residents in recent years to make space for commercial agriculture projects.

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    Abiy Ahmed

    Protests were triggered by a government proposal to broaden Addis Ababa’s municipal boundary, a move demonstrators said could displace Oromo farmers. Separate protests, sparked by the arrests of Amharas over a boundary dispute with the central government, erupted in the Amhara Region in July 2016. That October, the government declared a six-month state of emergency, giving it sweeping authority to ban protests and make arrests without court orders. Human rights groups accused security forces of widespread abuses, saying that they had killed more than a thousand protesters and detained tens of thousands of people during the unrest.

    Hailemariam’s government extended the state of emergency to August 2017, and the release of thousands of political prisoners in early 2018 did little to quell anti-government sentiment. In February, Hailemariam unexpectedly resigned, and EPRDF leaders selected forty-two-year-old Abiy Ahmed as prime minister.

    Many observers hailed Abiy’s selection as a major step toward opening political space. He is Ethiopia’s first Oromo leader and comes from the reformist wing of the ruling coalition. Since taking office, he has undertaken rapid reforms: he has loosened restrictions on internet use, lifted much-criticized terrorist designations that had been applied to several opposition groups, made peace with Eritrea, and set out to open the country’s economy. He has also vowed free and fair elections by 2020.

    What is Ethiopia’s relationship with Eritrea?

    Eritrea’s status was long contested. An Italian colony for more than a half-century, it was claimed by Haile Selassie’s government after World War II. Eritrea was federated with Ethiopia in 1952 but maintained administrative autonomy, a move backed by the United Nations. Ten years later, however, Ethiopia annexed it; Eritrean liberation fighters would spend the next three decades fighting for an independent state. The victory of combined Eritrean and Ethiopian rebel forces over the Derg in 1991 gave them their opening.

    Eritrea gained independence in 1993, making Ethiopia a landlocked state and bringing to a head long-standing border disputes. Sporadic fighting broke out into war in 1998, killing an estimated one hundred thousand people. A 2000 peace treaty [PDF] largely halted the armed conflict, but hostilities persisted. The countries cut diplomatic ties and kept troops deployed along the border.

    Abiy, however, immediately sought reconciliation with Ethiopia’s northern neighbor. In a landmark meeting with Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki in July 2018, the two announced an agreement to restore relations. The deal reopened embassies, resumed direct flights, and granted Ethiopia access to Eritrean ports.

    How has Ethiopia’s economy developed?

    Since the early 2000s, Ethiopia has enjoyed an economic boom in which annual gross domestic product (GDP) growth has averaged more than 10 percent, one of the highest rates in the world. It has sustained this impressive performance as the state directed a gradual shift away from agriculture in favor of the industrial and service sectors, though economists warn that unaddressed youth unemployment could hamper growth in the coming years.

    Analysts attribute Ethiopia’s growth at least in part to reforms ushered in under Meles, who championed a state-led development model that combined public investment in areas such as infrastructure and education with foreign aid and investment. He pointed to the success of the so-called Asian tigers, such as South Korea and Taiwan, which followed a similar developmental framework. Since taking office in 2018, Abiy has pushed for more economic liberalization, opening state companies in areas such as energy, telecommunications, and air travel to foreign investment, though many major industries remain state-run.

    Meles thought foreign aid could promote long-term development if used effectively, cultivating Ethiopia’s standing as a favorite of international donors, especially the United States. In 2016, it took in just over $4 billion in development assistance; some $818 million came from the United States. Multilateral aid has seesawed: Loans and other financing jumped in 2001 as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) helped the government launch a poverty reduction program, but they and other donors suspended direct budgetary support to the country following disputed elections in 2005 that led to widespread protests and a violent crackdown. In August 2018, the World Bank pledged $1 billion to boost the budget, a move Abiy said was in response to ongoing reforms.

    At the same time, Ethiopia has seen a shift away from its traditional reliance on agriculture. Once comprising roughly two-thirds of GDP, agriculture’s share of the economy has fallen to under 40 percent and has been overtaken by services, today Ethiopia’s largest single sector. Industry, including manufacturing and construction, is also taking on a more prominent role in the economy, accounting now for roughly a quarter of GDP. Still, agriculture remains of critical importance: farmers and agricultural workers make up roughly three-quarters of the country’s labor force.

    Meanwhile, the government has bet on a number of large-scale infrastructure projects, many of which have been aided by more than $12 billion in Chinese financing since 2000. These include expansive road and rail networks and the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, started in 2011 on the Nile River. When completed, the dam is set to be Africa’s largest hydroelectric power plant.

    What is Ethiopia’s foreign policy?

    Many experts consider Ethiopia to be a stabilizing force in the Horn of Africa and a major U.S. partner on regional security. Though Washington paused military support to Addis Ababa under the Derg, U.S.-Ethiopia ties have deepened in recent decades through counterterrorism cooperation, particularly in their fight against the militant Islamic group al-Shabab. Addis Ababa hosts the headquarters of the African Union (AU), a bloc of fifty-five member states, and it has played leading roles in UN peacekeeping operations in neighboring Somalia, Sudan, and South Sudan.

    However, Ethiopia has often been challenged by territorial disputes with its neighbors and concerns over border security, apart from its tangled history with Eritrea. Attempts by Somalia and its allies to claim Ethiopia’s Somali Region, also known as Ogaden, have at times led to war. In 2006, Ethiopia invaded Somalia, shortly after a precursor to al-Shabab wrested control of Mogadishu, the Somali capital. Ethiopian troops left in 2009, after the creation of an AU peacekeeping mission, though it acknowledged periodically sending troops over the border; it joined the AU effort in 2014. It has also sent thousands of troops to assist the UN mission in South Sudan, from where hundreds of thousands of refugees have crossed over Ethiopia’s western border. (Ethiopia hosts some nine hundred thousand refugees—the most of any African country after Uganda.) In September 2018, Abiy hosted rival South Sudanese factions for the signing of a long-awaited peace agreement to end the country’s civil war.

    Meanwhile, the Renaissance Dam project has raised tensions with Egypt and Sudan, who fear the project will squeeze their downstream access to the Nile’s waters. Abiy, in June 2018 talks with Egyptian President Abdel Fatah al-Sisi, vowed to ensure Egypt would maintain its share of the Nile, though details of an agreement were unclear.

    What is the humanitarian situation?

    Despite rapid economic growth, Ethiopia is still one of the world’s poorest and most drought-wracked countries. Roughly a quarter of Ethiopians lived in poverty [PDF] in 2016, according to UN estimates, though this is down from 45 percent of the population fifteen years earlier.

    Drought is common, particularly in the country’s north, and led to devastating famines in 1973 and 1984–85, together resulting in the deaths of more than 1.2 million people. In 2015–18, drought conditions necessitated emergency food assistance for more than ten million people. While humanitarian experts say the government has made progress in preventing such emergencies from turning into famine, food insecurity is an enduring threat. The Global Hunger Index, published annually by the Washington, DC–based International Food Policy Research Institute, ranked Ethiopia 104 out of 119 countries in 2017, based on indicators such as undernourishment and stunted childhood development. Moreover, ethnic tensions can exacerbate the problem: clashes between Ethiopian Somalis and Oromos in 2017 displaced an estimated one million people in areas that were already suffering from drought.

    The government has made strides, however, in health and education: In the last two decades, under-five child mortality was cut by two-thirds, while primary school enrollment soared from less than three million to more than sixteen million. AIDS-related deaths have decreased fivefold since peaking in 2003. Still, health experts say the country must tackle other major issues, such as high maternal mortality and malnourishment.

    What other obstacles are on the horizon?

    Considerable challenges lie ahead for Abiy’s government, from making good on promises of widespread democratic reform to improving strained relations with Ethiopia’s neighbors. “This young, charismatic prime minister is going to have to prove his serious chops as a mega political master in negotiating the various power centers in Ethiopia to institutionalize these reforms,” says CFR’s Reuben E. Brigety II, former U.S. ambassador to the African Union.

    This young, charismatic prime minister is going to have to prove his serious chops as a mega political master.
    Reuben E. Brigety II, CFR Adjunct Senior Fellow for African Peace and Security Issues

    While the government has lifted some of its controls on the media and legalized several previously banned political organizations, human rights advocates have urged Abiy to address other issues, such as arbitrary detentions and the forced displacements that have come as a result of development projects. The government has also struggled to rein in ethnic violence amid the liberalization measures: In response to intensified clashes in Addis Ababa and its suburbs, police arrested thousands of people and sent many of them to “rehabilitation camps” in September 2018, raising fears of another crackdown. Moreover, hard-liners from within Abiy’s own coalition have opposed parts of his reform agenda.

    Ethiopia hopes to continue expanding its manufacturing sector, as well as services such as tourism and telecommunications, in a bid to halt a growing job crisis among its youth population. With a median age of eighteen and an estimated two million people entering the work force each year, Ethiopia’s economy will need to sustain its high growth to absorb the next generation of workers, whose expectations have been raised by Abiy’s promises. At the same time, persistent drought continues to imperil the livelihoods of millions, particularly people in rural areas.

    Experts say Addis Ababa faces other economic challenges. It may have to start looking for financing outside of Beijing, which appears to be scaling back its investment over debt concerns. After years of borrowing, government debt is now nearly 60 percent of GDP, a situation the IMF has labeled high risk. Meanwhile, Ethiopia’s foreign exchange reserves have plummeted as export growth has faltered.

    Yet, the level of optimism among many Ethiopians that Abiy can improve both political and economic conditions is “profound,” Brigety says. “[He] is connecting with local people in ways no Ethiopian leader in two millennia of history has ever done, in a way that people have been desperately clamoring for.”


    Source: https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/ethiopia-east-africas-emerging-giant

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    ከሁለቱ ክልል ባገኘነው አጠቃላይ መረጃ በከተማው ውስጥ ከተገደሉት ሰዎች ጭምር በአምስት ቀናት ውስጥ የ67 ሰዎች ሕይወት አልፏል።

    በቤንሻንጉል ጉምዝ ካማሼ ዞን በተለይ በበሎይ ጅጋንፎይ ወረዳ በተባባሰ ግጭት ከ72 ሺህ ሰዎች በላይ ተፈናቅለው ነቀምት እንደሚገኙ የምሥራቅ ወለጋ ዞን አስተዳደርና ፀጥታ ዘርፍ ኃላፊ አቶ ታከለ ቶሎሳ ለአሜሪካ ድምፅ ተናገሩ።

    በደንብ የተደራጀና የታጠቀ ኃይል በተለይ ትላንት ከፍተኛ ጥቃት ከፍቶ በኦሮሚያ በኩል የሟቾች ቁጥር 23 መድረሱን ገልፀዋል።

    የቤንሻንጉል ክልል ምክትል ርዕሰ መስተዳድር አቶ አበራ ባይታ በበኩላቸው ሰዎች መፈናቀላቸውን ገልፀው "ቁጥሩ የተጋነነ ነው" ብለውታል። በቤንሻንጉል ጉምዝ በኩልም 31 ሰዎች ሞተዋል ይላሉ።

    በከተማው ውስጥ ዘጠኝ ሰላማዊ ሰዎች መገደላቸውን አረጋግጠዋል።

    ከሁለቱ ክልል ባገኘነው አጠቃላይ መረጃ መጀመሪያ ላይ አራት ተገደሉ የተባሉ አመራሮችን ጨምሮ በአምስት ቀናት ውስጥ የ67 ሰዎች ሕይወት አልፏል።

    የአካል ጉዳት የደረሰባቸው ሰዎች መኖራቸውና ብዙ መኖሪያ ቤቶች መቃጠላቸውና ሁለቱም ክልሎች ተናግረዋል።

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    ብ/ጀነራል አሳምነው ፅጌ እና አቶ መላኩ ፋንታ ለብአዴን/አዴፓ ማዕከላዊ ኮሚቴ አባል ተመርጠዋል::

    ብአዴን/አዴፓ 65 የማዕከላዊ ኮሚቴ አበላትን መረጠ በአዲሱ የማዕከላዊ ኮሚቴ አባላት ምርጫ አዳዲስ አበላት በብዛት ተመርጠዋል

    አዴፓ 65 የማዕከላዊ ኮሚቴ አባላቱን መረጠ፡፡
    1. አቶ ደመቀ መኮንን
    2. አቶ ገዱ አንዳርጋቸው
    3. ዶክተር አምባቸው መኮንን
    4. አቶ ሲሳይ ዳምጤ
    5. አቶ ዘለቀ አንሉ
    6. አቶ ጥላሁን ወርቃየሁ
    7. አቶ ፈንታ ደጀን
    8. አቶ አብርሃም አያሌው
    9. አቶ ተፈራ ወንድምአገኘሁ
    10. አቶ ፀጋ አራጌ
    11. አቶ ተመስገን ኃይሉ
    12. አቶ መሃመድ አብዱ
    13. አቶ ኃይሉ ግርማይ
    14. ዶክተር ሙሉቀን አዳነ
    15. አቶ ብርሃኑ ጣምያለው
    16. አቶ ግዛት ዓብዩ
    17. ዶክተር መለሰ መኮነን
    18. ወ/ሮ ዳግማዊት ሞገስ
    19. ወ/ሮ አየለች አሳየ
    20. አቶ እዘዝ ዋሴ
    21. አቶ ሙሉቀን ዓየሁ
    22. አቶ ተመስገን ጥሩነህ
    23. አቶ ምግባሩ ከበደ
    24. አቶ ሻምበል ከበደ
    25. አቶ ዓለሙ ጀምበሬ
    26. አቶ ዮሐንስ ቧያለው
    27. አቶ አምሳሉ ደረጀ
    28. ወ/ሮ አስናቁ ደረስ
    29. አቶ መላኩ አለበል
    30. አቶ ላቀ አያሌው
    31. አቶ ደሴ ጥላሁን
    32. ዶክተር ይናገር ደሴ
    33. አቶ ምስራቅ ተፈራ
    34. አቶ ብናልፍ አንዷለም
    35. አቶ ተፈራ ደርበው
    36. አቶ አገኘሁ ተሻገር
    37. ወ/ሮ ፈንታይቱ ካሴ
    38. አቶ ንጉሱ ጥላሁን
    39. አቶ ሞላ መልካሙ
    40. ሲ/ር ብዙአየሁ ቢያዝን
    41. አቶ አብርሃም አለኸኝ
    42. ቀለምወርቅ ምህረቴ
    43. አቶ ጎሹ እንዳላማው
    44. ዶክተር ንጉሴ ምትኩ
    45. ዶክተር አምላኩ አስረስ
    46. ዶክተር ስዩም መስፍን
    47. ዶክተር ኃይለማሪያም ብርቄ
    48. አቶ ካሳ አበባው
    49. ወ/ሮ ራቢያ ይማም
    50. ወ/ሮ እናታለም መለሰ
    51. አቶ መላኩ ፈንታ
    52. አቶ ስዩም መኮንን
    53. ዶክተር ጥላየ ጌቴ
    54. አቶ ጃንጥራር አባይ
    55. ወ/ሮ ሱቢያ ደሳለኝ
    56. አቶ አሰማኸኝ አስረስ
    57. ዶክተር ጥላሁን መሃሪ
    58. ዶክተር አህመዲን መሃመድ
    59. አቶ እንዳወቅ አብየ
    60. ዶክተር ይልቃል ከፋለ
    61. ወ/ሮ ዓይናለም ንጉሴ
    62. ወ/ሮ ወርቅሰሙ ማሞ
    63. ዶክተር ስንታየሁ ወልደ ሚካኤል
    64. ጀኔራል አሳምነው ፅጌ
    65. ወ/ሮ ፈንታየ ጥበቡ

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    ሕወሓት 11 የሥራ አስፈጻሚ ኮሚቴ አባላትን መረጠ

    ሕወሓት 11 የሥራ አስፈጻሚ ኮሚቴ አባላትን መረጠ

    ሕዝባዊ ወያነ ሓርነት ትግራይ (ሕወሓት) እያካሄደ ባለው 13ኛ ድርጅታዊ ጉባዔ 11 የሥራ አስፈጻሚ ኮሚቴ አባላትን መረጠ፡፡

    የድርጅቱ የሥራ አስፈጻሚ ኮሚቴ አባላት በመሆን የተመረጡት ደብረ ጽዮን ገብረ ሚካኤል (ዶ/ር)፣ ወ/ሮ ፈትለ ወርቅ ገብረ እግዚአብሔር፣ አቶ አስመላሽ ወልደ ሥላሴ (አባይ ነብሶ)፣ አቶ ዓለም ገብረ ዋህድ፣ አቶ ጌታቸው አሰፋ፣ አቶ ጌታቸው ረዳ፣ ወ/ሮ ኬሪያ ኢብራሂም፣ አብርሃም ተከስተ (ዶ/ር)፣ አክሊሉ ኃይለ ሚካኤል (ዶ/ር)፣ አቶ በየነ ምክሩና አዲስ ዓለም ባሌማ (ዶ/ር) ናቸው፡፡ ጉባዔው ደብረ ጽዮን ገብረ ሚካኤል (ዶ/ር) እና ወ/ሮ ፈትለ ወርቅ ገብረ እግዚአብሔር የድርጅቱ ሊቀመንበርና ምክትል ሊቀመንበር አድርጎ መርጧል፡፡

    በተያያዘ ዜና፣ ድርጅቱ ዛሬ መስከረም 21 ቀን 2011 ዓ.ም. ጠዋት 55 የማዕከላዊ ኮሚቴ አባላትን መርጧል፡፡

    ሕወሓት በጉባዔው 65 ዕጩዎችን ለማዕከላዊ ኮሚቴ አባልነት አቅርቦ የነበረ ሲሆን፣ በተደረገው የድምፅ አሰጣጥ 55 አባላትን ለማዕከላዊ ኮሚቴ መርጧል፡፡

    በማዕከላዊ ኮሚቴ አባልነት ከተመረጡት መካከል የድርጅቱ ሊቀመንበርና ትግራይ ክልል ርዕሰ መስተዳድር ደብረ ጽዮን ገብረ ሚካኤል (ዶ/ር)፣ የቀድሞው የመንግሥት ኮሙዩኒኬሽን ጉዳዮች ጽሕፈት ቤት ኃላፊ ሚኒስትር አቶ ጌታቸው ረዳ፣ የኢሕአዴግ ጽሕፈት ቤት ኃላፊ ወ/ሮ ፈትለ ወርቅ ገብረ እግዚአብሔር፣ በፓርላማ የመንግሥት ተጠሪ አቶ አስመላሽ ወልደ ሥላሴ፣ የገንዘብና ኢኮኖሚ ትብብር ሚኒስትሩ አብርሃም ተከስተ (ዶ/ር)፣ የፌዴሬሽን ምክር ቤት አፈ ጉባዔ ወ/ሮ ኬሪያ ኢብራሂም፣ የትግራይ ክልል ኮሙዩኒኬሽን ጉዳዮች ጽሕፈት ቤት ኃላፊ አቶ ረዳኢ ሐለፎም፣ የቀድሞ የብሔራዊ ደኅንነትና መረጃ አገልግሎት ዋና ዳይሬክተር አቶ ጌታቸው አሰፋ ይገኙበታል፡፡

    የኢሕአዴግ አባል ድርጅቶች የሆኑት ኦሕዴድና ብአዴን ስማቸውን ወደ ኦዴግና አዴግ ቢቀይሩም፣ ሕወሓት ስሙን እንደማይቀይርና የፓርቲውም ፕሮግራም አብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲ ሆኖ እንደሚቀጥል አስታውቋል፡፡

    ካሁን ቀደም የማዕከላዊ ኮሚቴ አባላት 45 የነበሩ ሲሆን፣ ጉባዔያቸውን ያደረጉት ኦዴግ፣ አዴግና ሕወሓት የማዕከላዊ ኮሚቴ አባላትን ቁጥር ወደ 55 አሳድገዋል፡፡

    ሕወሓት በጉባዔው 12 አንጋፋ የድርጅቱ አባላትን በክብር ማሰናበቱን አስታውቋል፡

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    by Yilma Bekele

    Bekele Gerba with barefoot

    Channeling Meles the Bekele way

    Ethiopian politician, Bekele Gerba

    In spiritualism ‘channeling’ is when one allows his body to be used by the ghost of the dead to speak to the living. I witnessed Oromo leaders with the honorable Bekele Gerba as the spokesperson being used by the dead tyrant to speak to us. It was a sad spectacle of a press conference that demeaned all what we fought for and won. I don’t know about you but I felt shame engulf my body, anger boil my blood and rage stir my soul. Bekele Gerba and company, I am done with you. You and your friends’ way of thinking is what we just wiped away from the face of Ethiopia. We are trying to recover from a bad influenza and here they come to tell us the virus is not dead yet. Pass me the antibiotic please.

    We know we got problems. We also know Woyane thinking is not something that will be erased so fast and easy. We are aware that we beat a mother of a disaster by sidelining Woyane without a long and protracted struggle. By all standards, we are one lucky people. Future Political scientists will pour over the events and hopefully come up with an explanation. Today no matter what people claim the demise of Woyane in a silent manner is a Godsend good luck for our country and people. We believe.

    The last four months while we are celebrating freedom and hope there were many from the old regime undermining our effort. That is to be expected. It does not require much intelligence to figure that out. Sure enough we have witnessed ethnic based conflicts in all four corners of our land. The PM has been dealing with the problems as they arose and he seems to know what he is doing under the circumstances. Well meaning Ethiopians wish him luck.

    It is at this important point in the life of our country that our three Oromo ‘leaders’ showed up to act victim, complain, threaten and defame the rest of us. Ato Bekele spoke on five issues. The existential threat to “Oromos’ as people, the ‘issue’  about Finfine, unity with Amharas, current affairs and Federalism. I am sorry to say Ato Bekele Gerba and his friends do not seem to have thought much about what they just said in public. It left many of us stunned. We deserve better articulation regarding our current problem and we abhor fuzzy language to cover ignorance.

    That is why I claimed the group was ‘channeling ‘ Meles Zenawi. The double talk about loving and working with other ethnic groups was there, the doomsday scenario where our country’s reverts to civil war is shouted out loud and the claim to be the forefront of the struggle was displayed without shame. Just like good old Woyane crap other Ethiopians are portrayed as ‘enemies’ and a simple disagreement on policy is viewed as an existential threat. Sad to say all this wisdom is lifted from Woyane playbook. You know who was laughing their ass off in their Mekele hideout. Some people make Woyane proud.

    It is not difficult to go through his concerns and prove them to be self serving, wrong and not worthy of ‘seasoned’ politicians that purport to represent their people. I consider that effort to be a waste of time and energy that we dearly need to figure out which of the many problems being faced by our people today we should focus on. Good governance, food for our starving, medicine for our sick, school for our children, jobs for our young people are issues we need to focus on. China, US, France are in Djibouti, Iran and the Arabs are hovering in the Red Sea and Somalia is still in turmoil is what our politicians should discuss. We have achieved peace with Eritrea but we need to work on the details of the relationship to avoid future misunderstanding. The EPRDF is discussing the sale of assets, which needs the participation of all Ethiopians in general and experts in the field in particular to lay a solid foundation.

    Our association with Woyane and their underlings has given us the ability to spot lazy politics. That is what our so-called Oromo leaders are trying to play. They are not sure of their ideas, they have not figured out where they want to go, they do not have a well thought of plan for the future thus they pull out the ‘ethnic’ card to build their feeble foundation for tomorrow. That is a strange card to play is what any rational person would say. Didn’t we see this game played? Didn’t we witness the total blow out? It is deja vu time Ethiopians. Another simpleton has showed up to claim the trophy of the ‘clueless Ethiopian’. We have a few Meles II in the making.

    The question, quoting the dear departed leader ‘we have given you a problem for the next hundred years’ coming true? I don’t think so. PM Abiy and Lemma Megersa with Gedlu and Demeke have already put that fiction to rest. They buried it deep and stomped on it too. Their experience with Woyane thought them bigger is better. Ethiopians all over the world agreed with them. The last four months the happiness quotient has reached an all time high thanks to the absence of Woyane garbage fouling the country. Dear Bekele, dear others on the table – how many people do you think will agree with your definition of Ethiopia and how many people will come out to show you love if you took a tour with that program at hand?

    The speaker claimed ‘Finfine’ was ‘the ‘center of religious, economic political’ activity of the Gulele/yeka people and it was forcefully acquired. We are speaking of what happened over a hundred years ago you realize. I am glad he kindly allowed the residents to stay at his good will. There is no guarantee the next OLF will not evict. Once ownership is asserted the next thing he wants is a name change.  It seems to be very dear and close to his heart. We have seen this theatre before. If you remember dangling ‘Finfine’ was a favorite toy of the late dictator. In the aftermath of the 2005 elections he brought it out to create division. It is sad that Ato Bekele and company are again channeling the evil warlord. It looks like they are not even capable of coming up with an original issue they can stamp their name on? Finfine/Addis is a non-issue, give it a rest.

    The press conference was a brutal attack on ESAT. I must admit that threw me back, One can condemn ESAT on many points but never about being a ‘Nation wrecker’. Shame on you Bekele Gerba. If it were not for ESAT no one would know your name. You seem to have forgotten thousands of brave Ethiopians went to jail for opposing tyranny, you just happen to be the lucky one plucked out as a symbol. So you think you are special sir? If so, you have allowed your ego to dominate your being. You were one of many. If you want to rise up to the top may I suggest you find a common ground to unite instead of a small corner to be king of.

    The speaker described ESAT as standing for cheap scam to build political and economic power. Where is your proof? No one has gotten rich of ESAT or become a political leader, so the well thought of uttering is false, without warrant and defamatory. The question is why? Surely we all disagree with some of the analysis but isn’t it a stretch to call someone a terrorist because of a difference of opinion? Do those folks sitting beside Ato Bekele believe in this belligerent pose and negative politics? Is the idea to promote OMN by disparaging ESAT? That is another example of lazy politics just like ethnic politics.

    Ato Bekele said those that are afraid of competing in an election are calling for a ‘transitional government’ as a shortcut to power. Again we have heard that before. Woyane used to turn every discussion into an attempt for power grab. Instead of presenting his winning idea he choose to demean and label others legitimate question. Actually his group is the one afraid of being overshadowed by the unity side. The cry for Woyane Federalism based on language and arbitrary lines is to hide behind ethnic alliance instead of national consensus. They are trying to deflect that charge hiding behind the discredited Woyane Constitution.

    There is one thing we Ethiopians agree on. The language-based ethnic Bantustan built by Woyane has to be fine tuned in our image. The problem we are facing today with conflicts in every corner is testimonial to the failure of that arrangement. The fact that Ato Bekele and company are still trying to follow the same dead end road is very alarming and not a good sign about the guiding principle and mindset of the group on the stage.

    The press release is a lost golden opportunity to be recognized as one of the new leaders ready to guide our poor abused nation to a better future. It failed miserably. Instead of hope it sowed fear, uncertainty and sent unnecessary alarm. If the group was trying to disrupt, they did and in a negative manner too. A lot can be said about OLF and its forty years of immaturity. I am sure our Oromo cousins will look closely at this organization and demand accounting for the many years of acting as a side show instead of leading. May be Ato Lemma’s trip to Asmara and the respect accorded to the group went into the head of the leaders. Whatever it is, it must be understood leadership comes with responsibilities. Please act it.

    Our country is in a very precarious situation with Woyane still controlling major organs of the state and unlimited supply of money stashed everywhere in the country. For twenty-seven years they have built our country in their own image of vagabondism, lack of integrity and complete absence of the rule of law. We have managed to corral the kingpins into a restricted zone but the many sycophants and confused underlings are still with us. The Keble captains, the police chiefs, the judges and court system is still staffed by Woyane trained officials. We all know it was OPDO, ANDM and other cadres that were doing the dirty job for Woyane. They are still with us. The PM and his team are trying their best to project confidence but we all know better.

    The press release by the group plays into Woyanes hands. It does not help the cause of reconciliation and good will that is being preached by Dr. Abiy. It makes him look weak and makes observers question the depth of his acceptance in the Oromo community. Ato Bekele Gerba’s attempt to align himself with’ Kero’ is a little pathetic and his use of the mass movement as a personal weapon to intimidate is not acceptable.

    The society we are building on the ashes of Woyane is open to any Ethiopian to organize and advocate for the cause they believe. The government has encouraged all opposition to come and contribute in a positive manner. There are plenty that believe organizing on ethnic lines to be the wave of the past. But I have not heard anyone advocating a ban. The attitude seems to be if you think that is a winning strategy go right ahead and knock yourself out. The only issue we care not to compromise about is the ability to organize in any part of Ethiopia without fear and full freedom. Let the citizen decide whom he wants as representative.

    OPDO has purged itself of those not ready for the new challenge including the name of the organization. That is a positive development. AG7 is in the process of discussing with members and allies regarding the formation of a political party. Like anything AG7 puts its mind and effort into it is being done in a very deliberate manner. It is a very important document that will come out to serve as a guiding principle for years to come. We should urge all political minded organizations to be involved and assume ownership of our future.

    As part of the Diaspora I am proud of the many supportive role we played to be voice of the voiceless. Don’t worry I am not trying to claim to have liberated you but you know the urge is there. We are proud to have sent some of our best and brightest to help with the transition from slavery to freedom. We are touched by the enthusiastic welcome accorded to our freedom fighters. It is good to be recognized and appreciated. I am afraid we have also to take responsibility for some of our returnees shall I say ‘unhelpful’ comments and ‘unwise’ talk that has offended our people. It is not something to cry the sky is falling about since we are hopeful things will sort themselves out through experience. Of Course we urge and hope folks will learn faster consequences of loose talk and unplanned action. We will keep hope alive.

    Let us remember what the late senator John McCain wrote in his last message to his people, it said  “We are citizens of a republic made of shared ideals forged in a new world to replace the tribal enmities that tormented the old one,” Tribalism in a different form is still alive and well in the USA. Ours is not unique.

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    Ethiopia’s deadly violence shows the fragility of a nation in democratic transition


    Ethiopian prime minister Abiy Ahmed’s reformist agenda is facing a major test.

    In recent days, Addis Ababa has experienced violent unrest that has led to dozens of killings, mass arrests, and even an internet shutdown. Police said at least 28 people died, seven of them by security forces, during clashes following the return of exiled leaders from opposition group the Oromo Liberation Front.

    Scuffles broke out in mid-September after young Oromos started painting the group’s flag colors in the capital, leading to face-offs with other residents who see the flag as a symbol of separatism. The Oromos are the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia and the attacks reportedly targeted ethnic minorities living both in and areas surrounding the capital. The government responded by blocking mobile internet, arresting over 1,200 people, and sending detainees to “rehabilitation.”

    The unfolding crisis in the Horn of Africa nation deals a blow to premier Abiy, an Oromo, who has introduced radical changes since coming to office in April. The seismic changes have included freeing journalists, delisting opposition groups as terrorist outfits, mending relations with neighboring nations, and opening up the economy.

    The current predicament shows how the uncertainty and fragility surrounding the swift political reforms, and questions if and how the 100-million people nation can sidestep ethnic divisions to attain a united future. There are also the challenges associated with the lack of a planned transitional strategy and the huge unmet hopes and expectations from the population. Then there’s the many opposition and activist voices all now contributing to the conversation about the direction the country should take in the future.

    So far, Abiy’s administration has resorted to old tactics when faced with critical challenges. In August, political tension in the eastern Somali region led to clashes with local police and dozens of deaths.

    Amnesty International also said social media was awash with hate speech against non-Oromo groups in the days leading to the recent protests, and that security forces did nothing to stop the incitement or protect the targeted communities. The advocacy group also put the number of deaths at 58 instead of the government figure of 28.

    “No one should die because of their ethnicity and neither should anyone die because they took a stand against the shocking violence and killings that the authorities failed to prevent,” said Joan Nyanyuki, Amnesty director for East Africa.

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    ታማኝ በየነ --- መጥምቁ ዮሃንስ --- ሊመጣ ላለው መንገድ ጠራጊ

    የሰሞኑ የታምኝ በየነ ወደኢትዮጵያ ጉዞ ከአንድ በላይ ተልእኮ እንደነበረው የገባኝ እሱ ሃገር ቤት ገብቶ በአማራው ክልል በቀበጣጠረው ቅብጥርጥሮሽና መሰሪ ተግባሮቹ ነበር። መቼም እንደማንኛውም ሃገሩን እንደሚናፍቅ ዜጋ ከ 22 አመታት ቆይታ በሁዋላ ቤተሰቡንና ምድሪቱን ለማየ ት የተከሰተውን ነፃነት ቢጤ ተጠቅሞ ወደ ውድ ሃገሩ መሄዱ የመጀመሪያውና ማንም የገመተው ምክንያቱ ነበር። ታማኝ ኢትዮጵያን እንደሚወድ ማንም የመሰከረለት ሃቅ ነው። ከባለቤቱ ከፋንቱሽ ጋር ከአዲስ አበባ ኤርፖርት ጀምሮ በረገጠበት በእያንዳንዱ ስንዝር መሬት ለአፄዎቹ እንኩዋን ባልተዘከረ መዘክር ነበር ህዝቡ ያንቆለጳጰሰው። መሲህ እንደመጣ አይነት። በሚሊኒየም አዳራሽ ያደረገው ንግግር ስለአንድነትና ስለመስ ዋእትነት ብሎም ስለወደፊቱ ትግል እነጃዋርንም እንተባበር በሚል መልኩ ያካተተ ስለነበር እስከዛች ሰአት ድረስ የታማኝን ሁለተኛ እጀንዳ የሚያሳብቅ ምንም ነገር አልታየበትም። ኦሮሞውንም አማራውንም ሌሎቹንም ብሄሮች ለለውጡ ዘብ እንቁም ብሎ የጠየቀበት ጤናማ ንግግር ነበር።

    በሁዋላም ጉዞ ወደባህር ዳርና ወደ ጎንደር ወደ ደብረታቦር ሆነና ታማኝ ለመጀመሪያ ጊዜ ከአሜሪካ የመጣበትን ሁለተኛውን እጀንዳውን ከቁዋ ጠሮው ፈታ። ታማኝ በአማራው ክልል ከእናት ሃገር ጥሪው በተጉዋዳኝ እየፈራና እየተባ ታላቁን የአማራ ህዝብ ስለኢትዮጵያዊነት መስበክ ጀመረ። በአንድ ወቅት በባህርዳር ይመስለኛል አማራውን ህዝብ “ እናንተ ክልል የሚባል ነገር አይገድባችሁም ኢትዮጵያ ሁሉ የእናንተ ነው ” ሲል፣ ይህ ሰው ምን ማለቱ ነው ? ሃገሪቱ በክልል ተከፋፍላ ስትተዳደር 27 አመታት አለፋት። ኦሮሞም ክልሉን፣ ትግሬም ክልሉን፣ ደቡብም ክልሉ ን ወዘተ በተናካሽ ውሾች እያስጠበቀ ባለበት በዚህ ዘመን አማራውን ከዚችው ከተረፈችው የተቆራረሰች ክልሉም ሳይሆን ተንከራታች እንዲሆን የእብድ ምክር መምከሩ በውስጤ የመርዝ ያህል ነበር ያናወጥኝ።

    “ ክልል አያግዳችሁም ” ብሎ የተናገራቸው አማሮች ምንተ እፍረታቸውን ቢያጨበጭቡም “ ምን ለማለት ፈልጎ ነው ” በሚል ጥያቄ ሳይሞሉ አልቀሩም። አማሮች እኛ ክልል አይገድበንም ብለው ስላሉ በክልል መገደባቸው ሊቀር ነው ? አይ ቀልድ !!! እንዲያውም ስለ ክልል ካነሳን አይቀር ለመሆኑ ማነው የአማራውን ያህል በክልሉ እንዲገደብ የተደረገ ? አማራው ወደ ክልልህ ጥፋ ያልተባለበት የኢትዮጵያ ግዛት አለ እንዴ ? ያው የራሱ ክልል ካልሆነ በተቀር ? ታማኝ መጃጃሉ ነው ወይስ አማራውን በገሃድ ለማሞኘቱ መሞከሩ ? ሌላው ቢቀር አማራው በክልሉ የተገደበና በማንነቱ የተወገዘ ብሄር መሆኑን ያጣዋልና ነው ታማኝ እናንተ በክልል የተ ገደባችሁ መሆን የለባችሁም ብሎ በቁስላቸው ላይ እንጨት የሚሰድበት ? እውነታውንና በመሬት ላይ ያለውን ሃቅ እንደመተሬ እየመረረው ለተጋተ ህዝብ ይህን የመሰለ ባዶ ቅስቀሳ ማድረግ ምን ይሉታል ? ነው ወይስ ታማኛችን ሌላ አጀንዳ ነበረው ?

    የታማኝ ሁለተኛ የሃገር ቤት ጉዞ ተልእኮው ገሃድ የወጣበት ወልቃይት ጠገዴ የኢትዮጵያ ነው ብሎ በመናገር በታላቁ አማራ ህዝብ ፊት ወጥ የረገጠበት አጋጣሚ ነ በር። ህዝቡ ይህንን የግንቦት 7 ቶች ተረት ከታማኝ አንደበት እንደሰማ ሳያመነታ በጩሀት “ የአማራ ነው ” “ የአማራ ነው ” ብሎ ሲያቡዋርቅበት የግንቦት 7 ቱ መንገድ ጠራጊ ታማኝ የንብ ቀፎ እንደነካ ወዲያው ታወቀው። “ አስጨርሱኛ ” ብሎ ከተማፀነ በሁዋላም ይዘላብድ ጀመር። ከተጠበቀውም በላይ የተቆጣውን ህዝብ ለማባበል እሱ ( ታማኝ ) የአማራው አጋር እንደ ሆነ የሚያሳዩ ዝክሮችን አነበነበ። ታማኝ አማራውን ብዙ ተዳፍሮት ነበር የከረመው። በብሄሩ ፍዳውን ያየውን የአማራን ህዝብ ኦሮሞው ፣ ትግሬው፣ አፋሩ፣ ሲዳማው፣ በኒሻንጉሉ፣ ወዘተ በብሄር ተደራጅተው የህዝባቸውን ጥቅም ለማስከበርና በወደፊቱዋ ኢትዮጵያ ያላቸውን ድርሻ ለማረጋገጥ በሚራወጡበት በዚህ ዘመን አማራውን በብሄሩ ሳይደራጅ እንደተዝረከረከ የሌሎች ስልጣን መወጣጫ ሆኖም እንዲቀር መርዙን ሊረጭ ሞክሮአል። እንድ ወጣት ታማኝ በተገኘበት በአንድ ስብሰባ ላ ይ ታማኝን የክልሉ ተወላጅ እንደመሆንህ አማራው በብሄር እንዲደራጅ ማበረታታ የነበረብህ አንተ ልትሆን በተገባ ነበር ብሎ ሲናገር የተጠቀመው ቃል “ እንዲያውም ፊት አውራሪያችን ” መሆን ነበረብህ የሚል ነበር። ሰው የገዛ ብሄሩን ለሌሎች፣ ለዚያውም 2 ለብሄሩ ጠላቶች ስልጣን መቆናጠጫ ጀሌ ለማድረግ ከመሮጥ የበለጠ የባንዳነት ባንዳ አለ ቢሉኝ በአይኔ በብረቱ እስከማይ አላምንም። እንግዲህ ታማኝ ወደ ሃገሩ የተመለ ሰበት ምክንያት አንደኛው የናፈቀውን ምድርና ህዝብ ለማየት ሲሆን ሁለተኛው ደግሞ የግንቦት 7 ቶች መንገድ ጠራጊ ለመሆን ነበር።

    መጥምቁ ዮሃንስ ለኢየሱስ መንገድ ሲጠርግለት እኔ በውሃ አጠመቅሁዋችሁ ነገር ግን ከእኔ የበለጠ በመንፈስ ቅዱስ የሚያጠምቃችሁ ይመጣልና ተዘጋጁለት ብሎ እንዳለው፣ ታማኝም ከግንቦት 7 ቶች ወደ ኢትዮጵያ ጉዞ አስቀድሞ በመሄድ አማራውን በባዶ የአንድነትና የኢትዮጵያዊነት ቅፈላ ብሄር ተኝነቱን አስጥሎ ለአጭበርባሪው የአማራ ጠላት ግንቦት 7 ሆ ብሎ እንዲገብር የማድረግ ተልእኮ ነበር ያነገበው።

    ወንድማችን ታማኝ ለአማራው ቀንደኛ ጠላት ለግንቦት 7 እቡይ ( እኩይ ) አላማ አስፋልት አነጣፊና የጦር አዝማች ሆኖ የገዛ ብሄሩን ሊሽጥ የተነሳሳበትን ምክንያት ምን ይሆን ብዬ ስጠይቅ አንዳንድ ምክንያቶች ወደ አእምሮዬ ይመጣሉ። ታማኝ የኢሳትና የግንቦት 7 አካል ነው። በደሞዝም እንደሚያስተዳድሩ ት እውቅ ነው። እዚህ ላይ በእርግጠኝነት ከኢሳት ደሞዝ እንደሚከፈለው መናገር ይቻላል። ኢሳት ደግሞ የግንቦት 7 ንብረት ነው። በነገራችን ላይ ኢሳት የህዝብ ነው የሚለውን የሞኞች ጨዋታ ማንም የሚጫወተው ሊኖር አይገባም። ታማኝ በብሄር መደራጀትን ሲቃወም የአማራው በብሄር መደራጀት ከነ ኦነግና ከ ቲ ፒ ኤል ኤፍ ወይም ከኦጋዴን ነፃ አውጭ ወይም ከሲዳማ ብሄር ንቅናቄ ጋር በአላማው አንድ እንዳልሆነ አጥቶት አይመስለኝም። ያንን ያልተረዳ ከሆነ የአእምሮ ዝግምተኛ ነው እላለሁ። አማራው በብሄር እንዳይደራጅ የሚጮሁት እነአንዳርጋቸው ፅጌና እነብርሃኑ ነጋም ጭምር የአማራው በብሄር መደራጀት ለኢትዮጵያ አንድነት አስፈላጊ እንደሆን አጥተውት አይደለም። እንዲያው በብሄሩ የተደራጀና የታጠቀ አማራ ከኦሮሞዎች ለሚመጣው የስልጣን ይገባናል ፉከራ ማቻቻያ (balance of power) ብቸኛውና አማራጭ የማይገኝለት ነገር እንደሆን ያውቁታል።

    ታዲያ ለምን ይሆን ለኢትዮጵያ አንድነት ቆመናል የሚሉት እነኝህ የፖሊቲካ ዱር አዳሪዎች አማራው በብሄሩ ተደራጅቶ የራሱ ድምፅ እንዳይኖረው የሚታገሉት ???? ስልጣን ! ስልጣን ! ስልጣን ! ። አማራው በብሄሩ ከተደራጀ ግንቦት 7 ከኦሮሞዎች ጋር ለስልጣን ለመፎካከር የሚያስችለው የድምፅ ወይም የአባል ቁጥር አይኖረውም። አማራውን ከአማራነቱ መነጠልና ከኢትዮጵያዊነት መረሆ ጋር አደንዝዞ ለብርሃ ኑ ነጋና ለአንዳርጋቸው ፅጌ የቤተ መንግስት ንግስና አብሳሪ እንዲሆን ማድረግ ነው የግንቦት 7 እቅዱና አላማው። ለዚህም ነበር ታማኝ በየነ በብሄር አትደራጁ የሚለውን መፈክሩን ይዞ ለግንቦቴዎችመንገድ ሊጠርግ ቀደም ብሎ ወደ አማራው ክልል የነጎደው። ኢትዮጵያ የሄደበትም ጊዜ በአጋጣሚ የሆነ አልመሰለኝም። ግንቦት 7 ቶች ወደ ሃገር ቤት ከመሄዳቸው በፊት ታማኝን የማስቀደሙ ፕላን የተመከረበትና የተዘከረበት ጉዳይ ነው ብዬ አምናለሁ። አማራው ክልልም ከደረሰ በሁዋላ በምን ጉዳዮች ላይ ትኩረት መስጠት እንዳለበት የተዶለተበት ጉዳይ ነው ብዬ አምናለሁ። የእንጀራው ጌቶች ናቸውና ትእዛዛቸውን ይዞ ነበር የሄደው ማለት እደፍራለሁ።

    የአማራውስ መጃጃል ለመሆኑ በጤናው ነው ?

    ታማኝን ለመቀበል የተደረገው ዝግጅት ለዶ / ር አቢይ ከተደረገው ድጋፍና ትእይንት ቢያንስ በጥቂት ነው። አይ ወገኔ !!

    ክልሌ አማራ ሞኝ ነሽ ተላላ

    የሞተልሽ ቀርቶ የገደለሽ በላ

    ለመሆኑ ምነው የአማራን ማንነት ክብር ብቻውን ታግሎ በዳያስፖራው መሃል ያለመለመውን ታላቁን ተክሌ የሻውን እንደ ታማኝ በአደባባይ አልዘከሩትም ??? ተክሌ የሻው በእኔ ግምት ከአፄዎቹ የማይተናነስ ተጋድሎ ያደረገ የአማራ የቁርጥ ቀን ልጅ ነው። ታሪክም ትልቅ ስፍራ እንደሚሰጠው እምናለሁ። የተክሌ 3 የሻው ሃገርቤት መግባትም በሚዲያውም በቅጡ አልተሸፈነም ። እነደመቀ መኮንን እንደተቀበሉት አውቃለሁ። ነገር ግን በእኔ ግምት ያ በቂ አልነበረም ለዚህ የአማራ ጀግና። እንግዲያውማ ለአማራው የሞተው ተክሌ አልነበር ? ተክሌ ታማኝ በየነ አባል በሆነበት በኢሳት ኢንተርቪው እየተጋበዘ እነ ፋሲል የኔ አለም ( ሌላው አማራና የአማራ ጠላት ) ሊያዋርዱት ሲሞክሩና ሲያብጠለጥሉት በተደጋጋሚ ተከታትያለሁ። በዳያስፖራ ያለው አማራ በአማራነቱ ተሽማቆ ብሄሩን ሲክድ በነበረበት ቅውጢ ጊዜ ጀግናው ተክሌ የሻው አማራ ነኝ፣ አማራን በሃስት አተወንጅሉ፣ ብሎ በእውቀትና በጥበብ ተነሳ። ተክሌን መጀመሪያ የተቃወመው አማራው ራሱ ነበር። ስንቱን አለፈው ተክሌ በአማራነቱ ?? ግንቦቴዎች ተክሌ የሻውን በጉባኤያቸውም ሆነ በህብረታቸው ላይጋብዙት ተማምለዋል ምክንያቱም ተክሌ የአማራውንና የኢትዮጵያን ሉአላዊነት የማይሸጥ ግትር አማራ በመሆኑ ብቻ ነው። ተክሌ የከፈለው መስዋእትነት ትልቅ መፀሃ ፍ ይወጣዋል። ታዲያ ይህን ታላቅ የአማራ ህልውና ታጋይና ፋና ወጊ ትቶ አማራውን ለሚያሻሽጠው ታማኝ ነበር የአማራው ምድር ያረገደው። ወዳጅና ጠላትን አለማወቅ ይሉሻል ይሄ ነው።

    አንባቢዬ ሆይ ይህንን ስጠቅስ በተክሌና በታማኝ መሃከል ጠብ ለመዝራት እንዳልሆነ በደንብ እንዲታወቅልኝ እፈልጋለሁ። ነገር ግን እውነቱ መነገር ስላለበት ነው። የአማራው ወጣት በሰከነ ልብ በዳያስፖራውም ሆነ በሃገር ውስጥ በቀውጢው ሰአት ጎኑ የቆሞቱን እውነተኛ ታጋዮች ማወቅ ግዴታው ነው። እንደ እውነቱ ለማናገር ሃገር ቤት ውስጥ ያለው የአማራ ህዝብ የግንቦት 7 ቶችና የታማኝንም የፖሊቲካ አቁዋም በደንብ ጠንቅቆ ያውቃል። አለመታደል ሆኖ አማራው ሁልጊዜ የመዘናጋትና ከሞኝነት የሚቆጠር የዋህነት ያጠቃዋል መሰል ለታማኝ በየነ ኮስታራ ፊትና ለዘብተኛ አቀባበል ማድረግ ሲገባው እልልታና እስክስታ ይዞ ነበር የተቀበለው። መቼም የባሰ አታም ጣ ነውና ይሀው የዋህ ህዝባችን ብርሃኑ ነጋንና አንዳርጋቸው ፅጌንም በፈረስና በርችት እንዳይቀበላቸው ያስፈራኛል። በሬስ ከአራጁ ይውል የለ ????!!!!! ።

    ቸር ይግጠመን

    ንቁ እንንቃ የደብረብርሃ

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    በኢንጂነር ስመኘው ላይ ፖሊስ ያቀረበው የምርመራ ውጤት አነጋጋሪ ሆኗል።

    ፖሊስ ኢንጂነሩ ራሳቸውን ገደሉ ያለው በሕዝብ ዘንድ ተቀባይነት አጥቷል። ፖሊስ ይህን ያህል ጊዜ ዘግይቶ እንዲሁም የምርመራውን ውጤት አስመልክቶ ሁለት ጊዜ መግለጫውን መሰረዙ ጥርጣሬን ከማሳደሩም በላይ ውጤቱ ሃሰተና ነው በሚለውው በርካቶች ይስማማሉ።

    ኢንጅነር ስመኘው በቀለ ራሳቸውን ማጥፋታቸውን የፖሊስ የምርመራ ውጤት እንደሚያሳይ የፌደራል ፖሊስ ኮሚሽን አስታወቀ

    የምርመራ ቡድኑ እንዳስታወቀው ሞተው የተገኙበት መኪና ውስጥ የተገኘው ሽጉጥም በእርሳቸው ስም ከ2000 ዓ.ም ጀምሮ ተመዝግቦ የሚገኝ ነው።

    በፎረንሲክ ምርመራ በተገኘው ውጤት መሰረትም የሽጉጡ ቀልሃና የተገኘው እርሳስም የዚሁ ሽጉጥ መሆኑን ፖሊስ እንዳረጋገጠ አስታውቋል።

    ኢንጅነር ስመኘው ከመሞታቸው ቀደም ብሎ ባሉት ቀንም ሆነ በዕለቱ ጠዋት ያደረጓቸው የስልክ ልውውጦችም ሆነ የፖስታ መልዕክቶች የስንብት ይዘት ያለቸው መሆኑንም በመግለጫው ተጠቁሟል።


    በመጨረሻም እንደተጠበቀው ኢንጂነሩ
    ራሱን አጠፍቷል ተብሏል

    ~ "ትናንት ኢትዮጵያ ላይ ኢንጅነር ስመኘው የተባለ ሠው ለሀገሩ እየሠራ እያለ #በአደባባይ_ተገድሏል! በአደባባይ
    ሠው የሚገደልበት ሀገር እንደመምራት አሳፋሪ ነገር የለም" ጠሚዶኮ ዐቢይ አህመድ በአሜሪካ ሳሉ የሰጡት ምስክርነት።

    ~ የለም የለም ኢንጅነር ስመኘው ራሱን ነው ያጠፋው። ኮሚሽነር ዘይኑ ዛሬ በሰጡት ይፋዊ መግለጫ ላይ የተናገሩት።

    #ETHIOPIA | ~ Zemede ትላለች በሀገረ እንጊሊዝ የምትኖር መሰረት በየነ የተባለች እህቴ ኢንጅነር ስመኘው ፣ እራሱ ገደለ ካልን ፦

    1. በግራ በኩል ጆሮው ላይ ተተኩሶበት ሽጉጡ ለምን በቀኝ እጁ ላይ ተገኘ?

    2. እራሱን ያጠፋ ሰው ሽጉጥ እንደጨበጠ ለመሞትስ አቅም ይኖረዋልን? ከእጁ ላይ ይወድቅበታል እንጂ በማለት ትጠይቃለች።

    ራሱን በሽጉጥ ያጠፋ ሰው አይፈራገጥም ወይ? ደሙስ አካባቢውን አይበክልም ወይ፣ እንዴት ኮፍያውን እንዳደረገ፣ ፎቶ እንደሚነሳ ሰው ወንበር ላይ ተስተካክሎ ይቀመጣል? ጥያቄዎች ከዚህም ከዚያም ይቀጥላሉ። መንግሥት ግን አሰብና ምጽዋን እንድንጠቀምበት ተደራድሬላችኋለሁ። ሜቴክ ገንዘቡን በልቶታል። ግን አይጠየቁም፣ አይከሰሱም፣ እግዚአብሔር ይቅር ይበላቸው። ሁለተኛ ገንዘብ ያለበት ቦታ አናደርሳቸውም እያለ እያስቀየሰን ነው የሚሉም አሉ። ለማንኛውም ፦

    ~አንዳንድ ሰዎች ሁለት ጊዜ ይሞታሉ።

    በመጀመሪያው በግፍ ይገደላሉ።

    ሁለተኛው ሞት ደግሞ ከሞቱም በኋላ ለግፍ ግድያው ራሳቸው ኃላፊነቱን እንዲወስዱ ይደረጋሉ።

    እናም በግፍ የሚገደሉ ታላላቅ ሰዎች፣ ብዙ ጊዜ ሁለቴ ነው የሚሞቱት።

    ኢንጅነሩም ሁለት ጊዜ ተገደሉ ማለት ነው። [ አስተያየት ሰጪ ]።
    77 ቢልየን የስኳር ብር አጣጥመው በሉ የሚባሉ ግለሰቦች ምንም ሳይሳቀቁ በሰላም ተንደላቅቀው በሚኖሩባት ኢትዮጵያ፤ ምስኪኑ የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ከልጆቹ ጉረሮ ቀንሶ ለግድቡ ያዋጣውን ብር ቀርጥፈው የበሉ ግለሰቦች ውስኪ እየተራጩ ዘና ፈታ ብለው በሚኖሩበት ሀገር፤ እንዴት አንድ ከገንዘብ ጋር ንክኪ ሳይኖረው በሙያው ብቻ ከብረትና ከአሸዋ፣ ከድንጋይና ከበረሃ ሙቀት ጋር ሲታገል የሚውልና የሚያድር ምስኪን ሰው ራሱን አጠፋ ይባላል ?

    ~ እናም እኔ ግን እላለሁ፤ ሁሉን አዋቂው፤ አድልዎ መድልዎ የማያቀው። ትክክለኛ ፍርድ የባህሪ ገንዘቡ የሆነው እውነተኛው ፈራጅ ልዑል እግዚአብሔር ትክክለኛውን ፍርድ ይስጥ።

    ሻሎም ! ሰላም !

    ዘመድኩን በቀለ ነኝ ።
    ጳጉሜ 2 /2010 ዓም
    ከራየን ወንዝ ዳር።

    Source: https://en-gb.facebook.com/ZemedkunBekeleB/

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    Lecturer of Human Rights, Curtin University

    Abiy Ahmed has made a raft of radical steps since taking over as Ethiopia’s prime minister in April 2018. He has redressed some of the wrongs committed by his own party, brokered peace with Eritrea and released political prisoners. Abiy has also invited opposition political groups back into the country and overseen the reunification of a splintered Orthodox church.

    Abiy’s approach is summed up by his philosophy of medemer, or inclusivity and unity. His reforms have led millions to believe that positive revolutionary change is on its way. But there’s one significant group he has yet to address: the rural majority.

    More than 80% of Ethiopians live in rural villages beyond the reach of mass media. So far, they have not been included in the ongoing national conversation. Yet, they contribute significantly to the economy by providing 85% of all employment and 95% of agriculture outputs.

    Past governments exacted revenue from rural people but ignored their voices in policy making. During Haile Sellasie’s rule, rural people had to pay a share of their produce to their chiefs in order to keep their land. Mengistu Haile Mariam’s marxist regime introduced land reform based on its communist ideology but required rural people to fund and fight its wars.

    The current government came to power with the promise of ensuring food security but it politicised ethnic identity and is currently focusing on rapid economic growth through the commercialisation of agriculture.

    Consistently, Ethiopian governments created their own policies without listening to rural people first. But there can never truly be any hope for the country’s future if the forgotten majority continue to be ignored.

    The reality for rural people

    Since the 2000s, Ethiopia has been praised for fast economic growth. The government celebrates small holding farmers as the drivers of its success. But, so far, economic growth has not translated into a better life for the rural poor.

    In 2015, some 18 million (20% of the total population) were affected by drought, the worst in 50 years. This year alone, 7.4 million, mostly children and women, are in need of help.

    In addition to natural disasters, rural people are victims of an ill-conceived land policy. Land is controlled by the government. Farmers don’t own their land. They’re simply granted the right to use it. Land scarcity is a major problem. More than 60% of rural households survive on less than one hectare of land. A lack of access has led to young people being uprooted from rural areas.

    Yet, the government leases large tracts of land to private investors to spur economic growth. From late 1990s to 2008, almost 3.5 million hectares of land was rented to investors at very low prices for a period of up to 99 years. The government advertises that 11.5 million hectares of land is currently prepared for private investment. Investors mainly focus on producing flowers, biofuel, and other export products. These in turn cause water shortages and environmental problems.

    In a country of 103 million, where the survival of 80% of the people depend on subsistence agriculture, the priority given to private investors raises significant concerns.

    Urban Ethiopians view foreign investors as a sign of progress. They see this land-grabbing as a sign of development. Yet the commercialisation of agriculture is being used to concentrate wealth in the hands of a small ruling class. It has increased food prices for the poor.

    In Gambella, 70,000 people have been moved to new areas. Many more are believed to have been moved off their ancestral lands to make way for the country’s vision of becoming the world’s leading sugar producer.

    Abiy has yet to address any of these issues. So far, he has shown no signs that he intends to change the government’s land policy.

    Colonial mindset

    One of the major hurdles facing the forgotten rural majority is the colonial mindset of many urbanites and people in power. The exclusion of rural people from the affairs of the state is not new. But it has intensified since 1974.

    Traditionally, rural Ethiopians had institutions that influenced the power of their leaders. Leaders needed to fulfil and be accountable to tradition. They were respected more than feared.

    But since the beginning of 20th Century, Ethiopian leaders sought to gain global legitimacy by bringing western institutions and knowledge to the country, excluding traditional knowledge and Ethiopian languages from higher education. Students learnt western history, culture and philosophy in English, and started to internalise the western gaze that saw Ethiopian traditional knowledge and institutions as primitive.

    This colonial mindset, that has internalised western knowledge as progressive and Ethiopian knowledge as backward, is one of the major factors excluding rural people from reform and political debate. Rural people are seen as antithetical to progress, or simply ignorant of how things can be done better. For example, ten years ago the World Bank blamed Ethiopia’s “backward farming system” for acute food shortages.

    Across the country, rural people understand land not as a natural resource that can be converted into cash, but as a source of life, spirituality, culture, and identity. Any cursory study of land-grabbing in Ethiopia shows that government policy has resulted in ongoing violence against the livelihood and culture of rural people. Rural people still feed the majority of the population; protecting them protects the rest.

    Everything Ethiopians are proud of today, from their ancient culture to their independence from colonialism, came from the culture of rural life. It is this rich cultural knowledge that should be drawn upon, rather than continually looking out to the west.

    Despite all of Abiy’s inspirational reforms, there can be no true progress for Ethiopia without listening to the rural majority

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    ኢሕአዴግ ከአብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲ ወዴት?

    ‹‹ኢሕአዴግ በአብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲ ፕሮግራም የሚመራና በፕሮግራሙ ላይ ለሰፈሩት ዓላማዎች የሚታገል ድርጅት ነው፡፡ ያነገባቸው ዓላማዎች ዴሞክራሲያዊና አብዮታዊ በመሆናቸው በተግባር ላይ ከዋሉ ኅብረተሰባችንን ከሚገኝበት ድህነትና ኋላ ቀርነት አላቀው ለፍትሕ፣ ለዴሞክራሲና ለብልፅግና ያበቁታል፡፡›› ከላይ የተገለጸው ከኢሕአዴግ መተዳደሪያ ደንብ መግቢያ አንቀጽ ላይ የተወሰደ ነው፡፡

    ኢሕአዴግ አብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲን በርዕዮተ ዓለምነት የተቀበለበት ምክንያት በማኅበራዊ በፖለቲካዊና በኢኮኖሚያዊ ጉዳዮች ሥር ነቀል ለውጥ በማምጣት ዕድገትን በፍጥነት ለማረጋገጥ በመተለም መሆኑን፣ አቶ በረከት ስሞኦን በቅርቡ ባሳተሙት ‹‹ትንሳዔ ዘ ኢትዮጵያ›› መጽሐፋቸው ላይ ይገልጻሉ፡፡

    የብሔር ብሔረሰቦች የቋንቋ፣ የባህልና የታሪክ እኩልነት፣ እንዲሁም ራሳቸውን በራሳቸው የማስተዳደር መብትና ጥቅም በተሟላ ደረጃ ለማስከበርና ውጤቱንም ለማስገኘት የሚቻለው፣ አሮጌውን ሥርዓት ከእነ አፋኝ ተቋማቱ በመጠራረግ ወይም ሥርዓቱ ፈጽሞ እንዳያንሰራራ አድርጎ ማስወገድ ሲቻል መሆኑን ያስረዳሉ፡፡

    በኢትዮጵያ አብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲን አስፈላጊ ያደረገውም አገሪቱ በአምባገነናዊ አገዛዝ ሥር ዴሞክራሲን ተነፍጋ በመቆየቷ መሆኑን ያትታሉ፡፡

    በኢትዮጵያ ላለፉት 27 ዓመታት የታየው ፈጣን ኢኮኖሚ ዕድገት የአብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲ ውጤት መሆኑን በስፋት ይናገራሉ፡፡ በመጋቢት ወር 2010 ዓ.ም. በኢሕአዴግ ውስጥ የነበረውን የሥልጣን ትግል የኦሮሞ ሕዝብን ከጀርባ በማድረግ አሸንፈው ሥልጣን የተቆጣጠሩት የኢሕአዴግ ሊቀመንበርና የአገሪቱ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ዓብይ አህመድ (ዶ/ር)፣ የአብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲ ርዕዮተ ዓለም ይዘው አገር ለመምራት ፍላጎት ያላቸው አይመስልም፡፡ ወደ ሥልጣን በመጡ በመጀመርያዎቹ 100 ቀናት ውስጥ ያሳለፏቸው ውሳኔዎች የዚህ መገለጫ ምልክቶች ተደርገው ሊቆጠሩ ይችላሉ፡፡

    በዋናነትም ግዙፉ የኢኮኖሚ አቅም የሆኑ በርካታ የመንግሥት ድርጅቶችን በከፊልና ሙሉ በሙሉ ለግል ባሀብቶች ለማዘዋወር፣ እንዲሁም ተፅዕኖ ፈጣሪ የሆኑ ተቃዋሚ ፓርቲዎች ከስደት ወደ አገር ቤት ተመልሰው በሰላማዊ መንገድ የፖለቲካ ፉክክር ውስጥ እንዲሳተፉ ያሳለፏቸው ውሳኔዎችና በተግባርም መታየት መጀመራቸው ሊጠቀሱ የሚችሉ ማሳያዎች ናቸው፡፡

    ኢሕአዴግ ለፈጠረው ግንባር ዘልቆ እንዲቆይና ውጤታማ ተግባር እንዲፈጽም ያደረገው ዋናው መሣሪያ አብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲ፣ የፖለቲካ ፕሮግራሙ እንደሆነ  አንድርያስ እሸቴ (ፕሮፌሰር) ይናገራሉ፡፡ ከጥቂት ሳምንታት በፊት የአዲስ አበባ ዩኒቨርሲቲና ፎረም ኦፍ ፌዴሬሽንስ፣ ‹‹የኢትዮጵያ ፌዴራሊዝም አዲስ ፈተናዎች›› በሚል ርዕስ በጋራ ባዘጋጁት የውይይት መድረክ ላይ ባቀረቡት ጽሑፍ፣ ኢሕአዴግ ዋናው መሣሪያውን (አብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲን) ትቶ ወደ ሌላ የፖለቲካ ፕሮግራም በመሸጋገር ላይ የሚገኝ እንደሚመስላቸው ተናግረዋል፡፡ ‹‹ቁልጭ ብሎና ጉልህ ሆኖ ባይወጣም ምልክቶች ይታያሉ፤›› ብለዋል፡፡

    በአዲስ አበባ በሚገኝ አንድ ዓለም አቀፍ ተቋም ውስጥ የፖለቲካ ጉዳዮች አማካሪ በመሆናቸው ስማቸው እንዳይገለጽ የጠየቁ አንድ የፖለቲካ ተንታኝም፣ ኢሕአዴግ አብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲን በመተው ወደ አዲስ የፖለቲካ ፕሮግራም በመሸጋገር ሒደት ላይ ስለመሆኑ ከበቂ በላይ ምልክቶች በመታየት ላይ መሆናቸውን ያስረዳሉ፡፡

    ኢሕአዴግ አብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲን ሲተገብር ለዜጎች መብት ቅድሚያ ከመስጠት ይልቅ፣ የአገሪቱን ደኅንነትና ሰላም እንደሚያስቀድም፣ የመንግሥትንና የፓርቲያቸውን መሠረታዊ ምሰሶዎች የሚጠይቁ የፖለቲካ ፓርቲዎችን፣ የሲቪክ ማኅበራትን እንዲሁም ተፅዕኖ ፈጣሪ ግለሰቦችን ሕግ በማውጣት እንዲገለሉ፣ አልያም ከአገር እንዲወጡ፣ እነዚህን የማይቀበሉትን ደግሞ እስር ቤት በመወርወር ከሁለት አሠርት ዓመታት በላይ መጓዙን ያስረዳሉ፡፡

    አሁን ግን ጽንፍ የወጣ የፖለቲካ አስተሳሰብ ያላቸውም ሆነ ነፍጥ አንግበው ሲታገሉ የነበሩትን ወደ አገር እንዲገቡ በማድረግ ላይ በመሆኑ፣ አብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲን ትቶ ወደ ሌላ የፖለቲካ ሽግግር ላይ ስለመሆኑ ማሳያ መሆኑን ጠቁመዋል፡፡

    የልማታዊ መንግሥት ማስፈጸሚያ የነበሩ ተቋማትን ለግሉ ዘርፍ ለማስተላለፍ መወሰኑ፣ እንዲሁም በጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ ዙሪያ በአማካሪነት የተሰበሰቡ ወይም በእሳቸው ይሁንታ ሹመት እያገኙ ያሉ ባለሥልጣናት ባህሪና የሥራ ልምድ፣ ከአብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲ ጎራ የሚመደብ አለመሆኑ ሌላኛው ማሳያ መሆኑን ይገልጻሉ፡፡

    ‹‹ሌላው ኢሕአዴግ አብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲን በመላ አገሪቱ ለመተግበር እንደ ማስፈጸሚያ የተጠቀመው ዴሞክራሲያዊ ማዕከላዊነትን ነው፡፡ ይህም የልማታዊ መንግሥት ፕሮግራሞችን ከመተግበር ባለፈ፣ ከብሔር ተኮር ፌዴራሊዝም ፀንቶ እንዲቆይ በመሣሪያነት አገልግሏል፤›› ያሉት የፖለቲካ ተንታኙ፣ ‹‹አሁን ግን ዴሞክራሲያዊ ማዕከላዊነት በመናድ ላይ መሆኑ በግልጽ ታይቷል፤›› ሲሉ የፕሮግራም ሽግግር ወይም ለውጥ ስለመኖሩ ያስረግጣሉ፡፡

    ከላይ የተገለጹት ምሁራን ኢሕአዴግ የሽግግር ለውጥ እያደረገ ስለመሆኑ በማሳያነት ከተጠቀሙባቸው ምልክቶች በተጨማሪ፣ የግንባሩ አባል የሆነው የብሔረ አማራ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ንቅናቄ (ብአዴን) ማዕከላዊ ኮሚቴ የሁለት ቀናት ስብሰባ ካደረገ በኋላ፣ ነሐሴ 19 ቀን 2010 ዓ.ም. ለሕዝብ ይፋ ያደረገው መግለጫ የኢሕአዴግ የፖለቲካ ፕሮግራም ያበቃለት ስለመሆኑ በሁለት መንገዶች የሚጠቁም ነው፡፡ አንድም በግልጽ ብአዴን የፖለቲካ ፕሮግራሙን ለመለወጥ ውሳኔ ማሳለፉ ሲሆን፣ ሁለተኛው ደግሞ ከግንባሩ ውጪ በተናጠል የተላለፈ ውሳኔ በመሆኑ ነው፡፡

    ‹‹የአማራን ሕዝብ ታሪክ፣ ትግል፣ ባህልና ሥነ ልቦና በአግባቡ የተገነዘበና የተረዳ፣ እንዲሁም አሁን ከተፈጠረው አዳጊ የአገራዊና ክልላዊ ሁኔታ ጋር አብሮ የሚራመድ የፖለቲካ ፕሮግራምና መተዳደሪያ ደንብ በማስፈለጉ፣ የሕዝቡንና የአባላቱን ፍላጎት መሠረት በማድረግ ግልጽ በሆነ ተሳትፎ እንዲሻሻል ያደርጋል፤›› በማለት ማዕከላዊ ኮሚቴው መወሰኑን ይፋ አድርጓል፡፡

    የኢሕአዴግ መተዳደሪያ ደንብ በመግቢያው ላይ እንዳሰፈረው፣  የኢሕአዴግ አባል ድርጅት መሆን የሚቻለው የአብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲ ዓላማን በግልጽ በፕሮግራማቸው ላይ የቀረፁ ድርጅቶችን ብቻ መሆኑን፣ ነገር ግን ይኼንን ፕሮግራም መቀበል ብቻ ሳይሆን በተግባር ለፕሮግራሙ ተፈጻሚነት የሚታገሉ፣ አባላቱም ይኼንኑ የሚያሟሉ መሆን እንዳለባቸው በመሥፈርትነት ያስቀምጣል፡፡

    ከዚህ በመነሳት ብአዴን ሰሞኑን ባወጣው መግለጫ የሚመራበትን አብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲ ፕሮግራም ለመቀየር መወሰኑን መግለጹ፣ ሌላው ግልጽና ተጨባጭ ማሳያ ነው፡፡

    ይሁን እንጂ ቅዳሜ ነሐሴ 19 ቀን 2010 ዓ.ም. ወደ ሥልጣን ከመጡ ለመጀመርያ ጊዜ ጋዜጣዊ መግለጫ የሰጡት ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ዓብይ (ዶ/ር)፣ ኢሕአዴግ የፕሮግራም ለውጥ የማድረግ ሒደት ውስጥ እንደሆነ ተጠይቀው ምንም የተለወጠ ነገር አለመኖሩን በተድበሰበሰ መንገድ ገልጸዋል፡፡

    ከአብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲ ወዴት?

    ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ዓብይ (ዶ/ር) ኢሕአዴግ የፖለቲካ ርዕዮተ ዓለሙን የመለወጥ ፍላጎት እንዳለው ለቀረበላቸው ጥያቄ የሰጡት ምላሽ የተድበሰበስ የሚያደርገው፣ ምላሻቸው እስካሁን የተቀየረ ነገር ስላለመኖሩ ወይም አሁን ያለው ሁኔታ ላይ ብቻ የተወሰነ በመሆኑ ነው፡፡

    ለዚሁ ጥያቄ የሰጡት ዝርዝር ምላሽ የተጤነ እንደሆነ ግን የፕሮግራም (ርዕዮት) ለውጥ በመጪዎቹ ጊዜያት፣ ወይም ከኢሕአዴግ ጠቅላላ ጉባዔ በኋላ ሊታይ የሚችል እንደሆነ ያመላክታል፡፡

    ‹‹ኢሕአዴግ በጥልቅ መታደስ አለብኝ ብሎ ወስኗል፡፡ በጥልቅ መታደስ ማለት አርጅቻለሁ፣ ሻግቻለሁ ማለት ነው፤›› ያሉት ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ፣ ‹‹መለወጥ ያስፈልገናል፡፡ እስካሁን ግን አይዲኦሎጂን በሚመለከት የተነሳ ነገር የለም፤›› ሲሉ ምላሽ ሰጥተዋል፡፡

    ኢሕአዴግ ቅድሚያ የሚሰጠው ሰላምና ልማትን ማረጋገጥ እንደሆነ፣ ይኼንን የሚጠቅም ሐሳብ እስከመጣ ድረስ እየተቀበሉ መሄድ ያስፈልጋልም ብለዋል፡፡

    ‹‹እኛ ቆመን ማኅበረሰቡ ከቀደመን ልንመራው አንችልም፡፡ ቢያንስ አንድ ርቀት እየቀደምን ማየት አለብን፡፡ አዳዲስ ሐሳቦችን እየጨመርን መሄድ አለብን፤›› ሲሉ ተናግረዋል፡፡

    ያልተመለሰው ጥያቄ ግን ኢሕአዴግ መለወጥ የሚፈልገው ወዴት አቅጣጫ ነው የሚለው ነው፡፡  

    አንድርያስ (ፕሮፌሰር) ባቀረቡት ጽሑፍ፣ በኢሕአዴግ ውስጥ እየታዩ ያሉ ለውጦች ግንባሩ ወደ ሊበራላዊ ዴሞክራሲ የመሸጋገር አዝማሚያ የሚታዩበት መሆኑን ይጠቅሳሉ፡፡

    ‹‹ይህ ኒዮ ሊብራሊዝም ከሚባለው አስተያየት የተለየ ነው፡፡ ኒዮ ሊብራሊዝም በአስተዳደር የመንግሥትን ሚና የሚያንኳስስ፣ የነፃ ገበያውንና ዋና ተጠቃሚዎቹን ለከፍተኛ ቦታ የሚዳርግና አብዮታዊም ሆነ ሊበራላዊ ዴሞክራሲን የሚቃረን ነው፤›› ሲሉ ልዩነቱን ይገልጻሉ፡፡

    ሽግግሩ ወደ ሊበራል ዴሞክራሲ ከሆነ በሽግግሩ መሳካት የኢንዱስትሪያዊ ኢኮኖሚ መስፋፋት፣ በዚያውም የመካከለኛ ገቢና የኢንዱስትሪ ሠራተኞች መደብ ማደግና መደራጀት መለኪያዎች እንደሚሆኑ ያስረዳሉ፡፡

    ስማቸውን መግለጽ ያልፈለጉት የፖለቲካ ተንታኝም፣ እየታዩ ያሉ ምልክቶች የሊበራል ዴሞክራሲ መሆናቸውን በመግለጽ ከፕሮፌሰር አንድርያስ ጋር ይስማማሉ፡፡

    ‹‹ለአብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲ ማስፈጸሚያ ጥቅም ላይ ሲውሉ የነበሩ ሥልቶችን በመተው፣ የሊበራል ዴሞክራሲ መገለጫ የሆነ ለምሳሌ ሚዲያዎችን ክፍት ማድረግ፣ የአውራ ፓርቲነት ዝንባሌን ከማስጠበቅ ይልቅ የፖለቲካ ውድድርን ለሁሉም ክፍት ማድረግና የመሳሰሉት መገለጫዎች ናቸው፤›› ብለዋል፡፡

    ወደ ግል ይዞታ እንዲዘዋወሩ ውሳኔ የተላለፋባቸው ቁልፍ ተቋማት ላይ መንግሥት የበላይ ድርሻ ለመያዝ መፈለጉ ኢኮኖሚውን ለሁሉም ክፍት (ሊበራላይዝ) የማድረግ ፍላጎት የሌለው፣ ይህም የልማታዊ መንግሥት ሚናን የመተው ፍላጎት እንደሌለው የሚያሳይ በመሆኑ፣ ወደ ኒዮ ሊበራሊዝም የመሄድ ፍላጎት አለመኖሩን እንደሚጠቁም እኚሁ ተንታኝ ተናግረዋል፡፡

    ብአዴን ሰሞኑን ባካሄደው የማዕከላዊ ኮሚቴ ስብሰባ ድርጅቱ የሚመራበትን አብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲ ፕሮግራም በመለወጥ ከጊዜውና ከሕዝቦች ፍላጎት ጋር ወደ ሚስማማ ፕሮግራም ለመሸጋገር ይወስን እንጂ፣ ወዴት አቅጣጫ መሄድ እንዳለበት አለመወሰኑን የድርጅቱ ማዕከላዊ ኮሚቴ ጽሕፈት ቤት ምክትል ኃላፊ አቶ ምግባሩ ከበደ ለሪፖርተር ተናግረዋል፡፡

    ‹‹ድርጅቱ በሚመራበት የአብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲ ፕሮግራም ላይ ጥያቄዎች ከውስጥም ከውጭም ምሁራንን ጨምሮ እየተነሱ ነው፡፡ ይህ ፕሮግራም በአገር አቀፍ ደረጃ ካለው ነባራዊ የፖለቲካ ሁኔታ አንፃር ረዥም ርቀት ለማስኬድ ፍቱን ምርጫ ባለመሆኑ፣ አዲስ መስመር መከተል እንደሚገባ ተወስኗል፤›› ብለዋል፡፡

    በዚህ ውይይት ላይ አብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲን ይዞ መቀጠል ይቻላል የሚሉ ሐሳቦች የተንፀባረቁ ቢሆንም፣ በአመዛኙ ግን በአዲስ ፕሮግራም መመራት እንደሚገባ ይኼንን አዲስ ፕሮግራም የመወሰን ኃላፊነት ግን በመጪው መስከረም 2011 ዓ.ም. የሚካሄደው የድርጅቱ ጠቅላላ ጉባዔ እንደሚሆን አቶ ምግባሩ ተናግረዋል፡፡

    ይሁን እንጂ የተለያዩ አማራጭ የፖለቲካ ፕሮግራሞች በማዕከላዊ ኮሚቴው ውይይት ወቅት መቅረባቸውን ጠቁመዋል፡፡

    ከእነዚህ ውስጥ አንዱ የሊብራል ዴሞክራሲ ቢሆንም፣ ሶሻል ዴሞክራሲ እንዲሁም ልማታዊ ዴሞክራሲ በአማራጭነት ውይይት የተደረገባቸው መሆኑን ጠቁመዋል፡፡

    ብአዴን ፕሮግራሙን ለመለወጥ እንቅስቃሴ ማድረጉ ከኢሕአዴግ ማፈንገጡን እንደማያመላክት የሚከራከሩት አቶ ምግባሩ፣ የኢሕአዴግ የፖለቲካ ፕሮግራም ከኢሕአዴግ ብቻ መንጭቶ ወደ ሌሎቹ የሚንቆረቆር አለመሆኑን ተናግረዋል፡፡

    የብአዴን ፍላጎትም አዲስ የፖለቲካ ፕሮግራም ይዞ ለብቻው ተግባራዊ ለማድረግ ሳይሆን፣ ኅብረ ብሔራዊነትን ይዞ እንዲተገበር ፍላጎት ያለው መሆኑን አስረድተዋል፡፡

    ብአዴን ፕሮግራሙን ለመለወጥ ፍላጎት ቢያሳይም አቅጣጫው አልታወቀም፡፡ የለውጥ ምልክቶቹ ኢሕአዴግን ወዴት አቅጣጫ እንደሚወስዱት ግልጽ አይደለም፡፡ ሪፖርተር ያነጋገራቸው የፖለቲካ ተንታኞች ግን አዝማሚያው ወደ ሊብራል ዴሞክራሲ አቅጣጫ መሆኑን ይናገራሉ፡፡

    ይህ ቢሆንም ሊብራል ዴሞክራሲን ተግባራዊ ለማድረግ በአገሪቱ ያሉ ፖለቲካዊ ባህሪያት አስተሳሰቡን ለመሸከም ብቁ አለመሆናቸውን በመጠቆም፣ ጥንቃቄ መደረግ እንዳለበት ያሳስባሉ፡፡

    በትጥቅ ትግል የሚንቀሳቀሱና በፖለቲካ አስተሳሰብ ጽንፍ የነበሩ ፓርቲዎች በቀጣይ በሚደረገው ምርጫ ማሸነፍ ባይችሉ ሊብራል ዴሞክራሲን አዲስ ፕሮግራሙ ያደረገ መንግሥት እንዴት ያስተናግደዋል ሲሉ በመጠየቅ፣ ሽግግሩ ጥንቃቄና ተቋማዊ መሠረትን አስቀድሞ ማከናወን እንዳለበት ያሳስባል፡፡

    አንድርያስ (ፕሮፌሰር) በሊብራል ዴሞክራሲ ሥርዓት ውስጥ የብሔር ፌዴራሊዝምና በዚህ መንገድ የተደራጁ ክልሎች የአስተዳደርና የኢኮኖሚ ነፃነት መብቶች እንዴት ይስተናገዳሉ የሚል ጥያቄ ያነሳሉ፡፡ ይህ ለሊብራል ዴሞክራሲ እንግዳ በመሆኑ ጥንቃቄ ያስፈልጋል ይላሉ፡፡

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