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  • By Elizabeth Giorgis

    Elizabeth W. Giorgis is Associate Professor in the College of Performing and Visual Art at Addis Ababa University

    The youth protest movement that emerged in Ethiopia in 2016, forged a fundamental shift in power relations by 2018. Tech savvy youngsters in Ethiopia challenged prevailing social media theories by employing communication technologies for the mobilization of collective action. It was against the severely repressive political regime of the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) (1991-present) that forms of clandestinely held protests began to emerge. Particularly pronounced in the region of Oromiya, its magnitude increased after October 2, 2016 when scores of people died at the annual Irreecha cultural festival. (Irrecha is an important cultural festival of the Oromo people. People gather each year in Bishoftu, 40km from Addis to celebrate the end of the rainy season and welcome the harvest season.) The festival followed a stampede triggered by security forces’ use of teargas and firearms. It was after this incident that young Oromo protesters began to attack business establishments by burning them to ground. Some were targeted enterprises that were owned by the state and some were multinational corporations.

    At first, the protests purposefully created an ethnic-based sentiment that exclusively attempted to address questions that pertained to the Oromo ethnic group (the largest ethnic constituency, followed by the Amhara). Young protesters called the kero, which disturbingly means young unmarried men, were social actors with an identity oriented viewpoint. Later in the movement, the protest encouraged other movements to emerge who apprehensively embraced the demands of the Oromo youth since the movement simultaneously opened a platform to echo their own injustices. For instance, diaspora social media outlets acted and interacted simultaneously with the kero movement, not only in the mobilization of protest actors but also in the production of political messages. However, the young Oromo protesters were by far more sophisticated and organized than the other movements that surfaced. The kero subsequently became the voice for justice not only for the Oromo ethnic group but also indirectly for other oppressions.

    Multiple voices of dissent—Amhara, Tigrean and Somali nationalists, among many, who had conflicting perceptions of nationalism and belonging—with multiple utopias, desires, belongings and identifications consequently emerged in social media channels. It remained unclear, however, how and to what extent the political subject maintained and strengthened its commitment to its form of protest. The inequalities, power relations, ethnic based relations in the process of subjection, required numerous interrogations. But at a volatile moment, these voices of dissent, each with their own history, context and specific intention ended up with general questions of political participation and representation. From a broader perspective, this movement impacted the transformation in politics, but the significance of these protests reside in the realization of social and democratic demands for each voice of protest in their own specific historical context. It is in this regard that questions about the outcome of these social media protests surfaced.

    Indeed, with no visible leadership, the kero used several strategies of protests and demanded response to core problems affecting the Oromo region, such as ethnic-based hierarchies, land rights, unemployment and corruption. Undeterred by the barrage of bullets fired at them, the protesters were persistently on the street, sometimes in groups and other times in spontaneous/simultaneous individual attacks on targeted establishments. Although methods of surveillance on internet and mobile communications were at their height, activists successfully circumvented the panopticon eye, though communication among protesters was mostly made through social media outlets.

    When excessive force by law enforcement became unbearable, they became deceptively quiet for a few days only to come back to the streets with entirely nuanced forms of resistance. As Hannah Arendt in her chapter on ideology and terror in The Origins of Totalitarianism states: “Under totalitarian conditions, fear probably is more widespread than ever before; but fear has lost its practical usefulness when actions guided by it can no longer help to avoid the dangers man fears.” Simply stated, the historical suppressed subject arose in a new social movement that was significantly different from previous social movements; fragmented, atomized with social actors rallied under identity oriented viewpoints but that ultimately served in amplifying larger oppressed voices.

    Previous social movements in the country had brought about the TPLF (Tigray People’s Liberation Front) to power. The 1974 revolution was a mass uprising that overthrew the imperial government of Emperor Haile Selassie making an end to the Solomonic dynasty. But this unprecedented moment was usurped by a self-proclaimed socialist military junta called the Derg (1974-1991). Various underground movements, of which the TPLF was part, were formed to topple the military regime. It was after 17 years of guerilla warfare that claimed Marxism Leninism as its core ideology that the TPLF finally took over the State. The TPLF later turned into the EPRDF which was formed under an ethnic constituency. In 1994, the Federal Constitution had ratified a “multi-cultural federation based on ethno national representation.” (Ethiopia adopted ethnic federalism and reorganized regions along ethnic lines when the EPRDF came to power in 1991, supposedly to give ethno-regional rights and a federal and democratic structure to previously underrepresented groups.)

    As the International Crisis Group’s Africa Report (2012) states: “The regime not only restructured the state into the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, but also redefined citizenship, politics and identity on ethnic grounds [into] ethnically defined politics that decentralize rather than mitigate inter-ethnic relations.”

    In the years that followed the end of state socialism, the EPRDF redefined the nature of politics with new economic, social and institutional agendas. Ideas that were caught somewhere between neo-liberal ideology and “revolutionary democracy” began to emerge in official discourse in the 1990s. And by the early to mid-2000s, the politics of the EPRDF had radically shifted. Increasingly drawn into post-Cold War global economic and political conditions, the “revolutionary democratic state” gradually changed to the “revolutionary developmental state.” In the absence of an economic model that clearly addressed Ethiopia’s economic relationship to global economic networks and powers, the mediation between leftist rhetoric and capitalist economic policies became disconcerting. Neither revolutionary nor democratic, the State imposed official narratives of progressive economic change over wide gaps in income; and this despite massive unemployment, repression of expression and obscene levels of corruption.

    Besides the edifices of politics and identity based on ethnic frameworks, the absence of a genuine multi-party democratic system also became cause for growing tensions. Most importantly, the glaring gaps in income, which were significant along ethnic lines, became cause for unrest. The intensified urbanization of Addis Ababa and its expansion to the hinterlands surrounding the city—land that is allotted to Oromo farmers under the federalist state—became the greatest site of contention since Oromo farmers were bought out with a meager sum to give way to corrupt investments. Certainly, impugning Oromo dignity, as a result of land grabbing, was the crucial dispute that the kero raised.

    But how the process of protest mobilization was managed, and how the social networks that set the general discourse of the protest were able to effectively communicate with participants in events/incidents is what is interesting, and what shaped and formed protest in contemporary Ethiopia. In this new understanding of social movement that brought about tremendous change—the resignation of Prime Minister Hailemariam Dessalegn and the appointment of Abiy Ahmed, an Oromo leader within the EPRDF, as the new Prime Minister—the multiple timelines of protest also defined the reach and immediacy of protest.

    Because traditional media was under state control, many Ethiopians and particularly the youth turned to online resources to follow the movement. Platforms like Facebook served as a space for alternative news sources and for social identification. They also served as a stage for the exchange of culture, such as music and literature that were produced under tyrannical conditions, and most of all, as media to express concerns around fairness and justice. Music and poetry, which particularly became prominent instruments of activism, were also followed by both Oromo and non-Oromo activists. Among the many Oromo artists to have played a role in recent events, notes law professor Awol Allo, “one musician and one performance stands out.”  Allo refers to Haaccaaluu whose song Closer to Arat Kilo galvanized the movement.

    In switching between articulations of precarity and resilience, writes Allo:

    Haaccaaluu challenged the audience and the Oromo leadership in the gallery, which included Abiy Ahmed, who was then the deputy president of the Oromo Peoples Democratic Organization (OPDO) to make bold moves befitting of the Oromo public and its political posture. He urged his audience to look in the mirror, to focus on themselves, and decolonize their minds. We are, he said, closer to Arat Kilo, Ethiopia’s equivalent of Westminster, both by virtue of geography and demography. (…) The Oromo People’s Democratic Organization, the party in the ruling coalition that put Abiy forward, thankfully followed Haaccaaluu’s advice. After PM Desalegn announced his resignation, it fought tooth and nail to secure the position of the Prime Minister. After Abiy’s imminent confirmation, the first chapter of a journey for which Haaccaaluu has provided the soundtrack will be complete.

    Perhaps one can say it is one of the rare moments in modern Ethiopian history that music became an instrument for dissent. Indeed, Haaccaaluu’s music electrified the Oromo protest movement. On the other hand, the notion of the “we” in Haaccaaluu’s lyric such as “are we there yet?” or “have we arrived to Arat Kilo yet” made non-Oromo Ethiopians apprehensive. Who are the “we”?  Was it only the Oromo ethnic group or did it include non-Oromo Ethiopians? Certainly for non-Oromo Ethiopians, Haaccaaluu’s music restricted the entrance to the gates of victory.

    But in an ironic way, since Haaccaaluu’s lyrics provided the broad political landscape of change in one of the rare moments that the history of resistance and exclusion was openly apprehended, his music, though shy from discussing the notion of the “we” also gained energy in non-Oromo social media circles. Activists chose conformist activism across conversations rather than unpacking the controversial features of ethnic-based politics. In this regard, while the informality and spontaneity of social media deliberations were fresh and innovative, discussions that surrounded the complexities of issues, such as the politics of ethnicity, were mostly reductive. It is with all these unresolved tensions that social media activism brought forth the contemporary state of Ethiopia.

    An essentialist perception of the social media political subject would be: it disrupted the status quo by playing an instrumental role in the resignation of a prime minister and the appointment of a young and seemingly progressive prime minister from within the same repressive party that is still in power. Shortly after assuming power, the new Prime Minister released hundreds of political prisoners, condemned the practice of torture (that had pervaded the country’s incarceration policy) and legitimized freedom of speech. To this end, the movement ultimately succeeded in becoming an overarching voice for justice. Yet without a collective political ideology and a coherent political voice, how do we constitute and unite the unresolved inventory of multiple micro utopias, desires, identifications and belongings?

    All the more striking is that activists claimed the internet as a neutral space in which everyone can uniformly network ignoring crucial issues that pertain to the political economy of the internet, and/or the dominant realities of capitalism and its relationship to the Ethiopian state and its economy. Besides understanding that Facebook and other social media networks are corporations and new arenas where capitalism can outstretch itself, it is also crucial to recognize the limitations of such kind of protest that arose and continue to exist without a materialistic analysis of the broader capitalist frame and its impact on the political projects of the state and on issues that the militant political subject sought to address.

    In an altogether complex way, such activism has presently resulted in the emergence of other political actors after Abiy Ahmed’s rise to power; a pluralistic public that has yet to employ the ideologies of a common cause. This lack of a common cause is dangerously reflected in present day persistent skirmishes among the pluralistic public. I believe we will better understand the compounded voices of protest if we think through new frameworks and alternative models that can open up productive ways for theorizing contemporary social movements. And I argue an important task is to identify the fundamental ways in which multiple levels of oppression are related to the political economy of class within the framework of late capitalism and its causal mechanisms. Perhaps we should bring back a counter ideology to capitalism into the studies of contemporary movements to re-theorize our fluid identities that are shaped by capitalism in multiple ways.

    Unfortunately, the new state is less concerned with the global capitalist dynamics and its political economic factors on dependent states. Within three months in power, the new prime minister has appropriated the voices of protest and is presently attempting to incorporate it to party line politics. He tells us liberalizing the economy would resolve our economic woes, a swift solution to youth unemployment whose economic disenfranchisement has supposedly galvanized restlessness. Furthermore, ethnic conflicts would be resolved through the spirit of “love.” Under great pressure from the IMF, stakes in state-held companies like Ethiopian Airlines are to be sold to private investors and industrial parks turned into sweatshops for H&M and other corporations (policies initiated by the previous prime minister) are to be expanded. The threat of authoritarian neo-liberal developmentalist projects and their uncompromising alteration of social structures will continue to flourish. In this regard, doubts remain as to the longer impact that these protests have made in achieving major political changes.

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    እምብዛ ዝምታ ለበግም አልበጃት

    ግልፅ ደብዳቤ ለብሔረ አማራ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ንቅናቄ (ብአዴን) ማዕከላዊ ኮሚቴ

    ከታደሰ ካሳና በረከት ስምኦን

    ይህን ግልፅ ደብዳቤ ለብሔረ አማራ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ንቅናቄ ማዕከላዊ ኮሚቴ የምንፅፈው ላለፉት 37 ዓመታት ካታገለን ድርጅት ጋር እሰጥ አገባ ውስጥ ለመግባት ተነሳሽነት መውሰድ አለብን ብለን በማመን አይደለም። ይልቁንም ረዘም ላለ ጊዜ በእኛ ላይ በሚካሄደው ተደጋጋሚ ጥቃትም ሆነ የስም ማጥፋት ዘመቻ ተገፋፍተን በሚዲያ እሰጥ አገባ ውስጥ ላለመግባት ከፍተኛ ጥንቃቄ ስናደርግ ቆይተናል። ይህም ለመናገር የሚያስፈራ ነገር ስላለብን ሳይሆን፣ በመንግሥትና በድርጅት አመራር ደረጃ ያሉ ኃላፊዎች ሕግና ሥርዓት የማስከበር ግዴታቸውን በአግባቡ ይወጣሉ በሚል ተስፋ በትእግስት ማለፍን በመምረጣችን ነው። ነገር ግን ማዕከላዊ ኮሚቴው ሌላ ትልቅና አንገብጋቢ ክልላዊና አገራዊ አጀንዳና ተግባር የጠፋ ይመስል የግለሰቦችን ስም ለማጥፋትና የጥቂት ቂም በቀልተኞችን ድብቅ ፍላጎት ለማሟላት ተባባሪ መሆን መምረጡን በማስተዋላችን ይህን ግልፅ ደብዳቤ ለመፃፍ ተገድደናል፡፡ ምንም እንኳ በእያንዳንዳችን ነባር የብአዴን አመራሮች ላይ የሚካሄደው የስም ማጥፋትና የጥቃት ዘመቻ የተለያየ ቢሆንም፣ ከነሐሴ 18/ 2010 ዓ.ም ጀምሮ የብአዴን ማዕከላዊ ኮሚቴ ጽ/ቤትን ዋቢ በማድረግ በተለያዩ መገናኛ ብዙሃንና፣ ማህበራዊ ሚዲያዎች ላይ በመሠራጨት ላይ የሚገኘው “ዜና” ሁለታችንን ስለሚመለከት ግልፅ ደብዳቤውን በጋራ ማቅረብን መርጠናል፡፡ ሰፊው የአማራ ህዝብም ሆነ መላ የአገራችን ህዝቦች የብአዴን አመራር በእኛ ላይ የሚያካሂደውን መሰረተ ቢስ ዘመቻ በአግባቡ ይገነዘቡት ዘንድም በዚሀ ግልፅ ደብዳቤ እንጠይቃለን።

    የብሔረ አማራ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ንቅናቄ  ማዕከላዊ ኮሚቴ ከነሐሴ 17 እስከ 18 ድረስ ያካሄደውን መደበኛ ስብሰባ መጠናቀቅን ምክንያት በማድረግ፣  ነሐሴ 18 ማታ በሁለት ሰዓት የዜና እወጃ ላይ  በአማራ መገናኛ ብዙሃንና በኢትዮጵያ ብሮድካስቲንግ ኮርፖሬሽን “አቶ በረከት ስሞዖንና አቶ ታደሠ ካሣ በጥረት ውስጥ በፈጠሩት ችግር በመስከረም አጋማሽ ላይ እስከሚካሄደው ድርጅታዊ ጉባኤ ድረስ ከብአዴን ማእከላዊ ኮሚቴ እንዲታገዱ ተወስኗል” የሚል መግለጫ በሰበር ዜና ሰምተናል፡፡ ሁለታችንም በየቤታችን ከቤተሰቦቻችን ጋር ቁጭ ብለን “ሰበር ዜናውንአዳምጠናል፡፡ አንድ ፖለቲካዊ ድርጅት በውስጣዊ አሠራሩ መሠረት፣ በአባላቱ ላይ የሚያስተላልፈው የቅጣት ውሳኔ እንዴት ለመላ የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝቦች ሰበር ዜና እንደሚሆን ግልፅ አይደለም፡፡ ምናልባት ማእከላዊ ኮሚቴ ዜናውን በማስጮህ ለማግኘት የከጀለው የትርፍ ስሌት ሊኖር ይችል ይሆናል እንጅ። እኛ ከማእከላዊ ኮሚቴው እንድንታገድ የተላለፈውና ነባር የማእከላዊ ኮሚቴ አባላትን በድምፅ አልባ ለማሳተፍ ወጥቶ የነበረውንመመሪያ የመሻር ውሳኔ በአንድ ላይ የመግለፁ አስፈላጊነትም የትርፍ ስሌቱ ማሳያ ሊሆን ይችላል፡፡

    በድርጅታችን አሠራርና የቆየ ባህል መሠረት አንድ አባል በሌለበት ወይም ራሱን ለመከላከል በማይችልበት ሁኔታ አስተዳደራዊ እርምጃ አይወሰድበትም፡፡ በአባሉ ላይ የቀረበ ሂስ ወይም የተሰጠ አስተያየት ካለ ለሌላ አካል ወይም አባላት ከመገለፁ በፊት ራሱ ባለጉዳዩ እንዲያውቀውና መልስም እንዲሰጥበት ይደረጋል፡፡ የብአዴን ማእከላዊ ኮሚቴ ተጠይቀን መልስ ባልሰጠንበት ክስ መበየንና እንደ ማእከላዊ ኮሚቴ አባልነታችን ውሳኔ በቀጥታ እንዲደርሰን ማድረግ ሲገባው ይህን አለማድረጉም ግልፅ አይደለም።በስብሰባው መገኘት ነበረባቸው የሚል መከራከሪያ ሊቀርብ እንደሚችል እንገምታለን፡፡ ያልተገኘንበት ምክንያት ግን ለማእከለዊ ኮሚቴው ስውር አይደለም፡፡ ታደሰ ጥሪው ቢላክለትም አልደረሰውም። በረከት ከብአዴን ማዕከላዊ ኮሚቴ ፅ/ቤት ነሐሴ 9ቀን 2010 በተላከ ኢሜይል የስብሰባው ጥሪ ደርሶታል። ጥሪው እንደደረሰው ለጊዜው የፅ/ቤት ሃላፊ ለሆኑት ለአቶ ጌታቸው ጀንበርና መልእክቱን ለላኩት ለአቶ ዘለቀ አንሉ በስብሰባው ቢሳተፍ ደስ እንደሚለው፣ ነገር ግን በክልሉ በሌለበት ጭምር  እየተካሄደ ባለው ተደጋጋሚ የጥቃት ሙከራ ሰለባ መሆን እንደማይፈልግና አመራሩ የፀጥታ ዋስትና ከሰጠውመምጣትእንደሚችል አሳውቋል። የፅህፈት ቤቱ ሃላፊዎችም ችግሩ ተጨባጭ እንደሆነ እንደሚቀበሉና መፍትሄ እንደሌላቸው ገልፀውለታል። “የመጣው ቢመጣ መገኘት አለባችሁ፣ እኛ /እኔ ሃላፊነቱን እወስዳለሁ” የሚል ደፋር በሌለበት ሁኔታ፣ እንኳን እኛ ከወታደራዊሳይንስና ጥበብ ጋር ትውውቅ ያለን ሰዎች፣ ሌላውም ቢሆን አደጋን ከሩቁ ተመልክቶ ለማስወገድ ይሞክራል እንጂ፣ራሱን በጀብደኝነት አሳልፎ የሚሰጥ አይመስለንም።

    ማእከላዊ ኮሚቴዉ እኛን ለማገዱ የሰጣቸው ምክንያቶች ሁለት ናቸው፡፡ ዓርብ ማታ “ጥረት ውስጥ በፈጠሩት ችግር” በማለት መግለጫ ሰጥቷል። ቅዳሜ ደግሞ “አሁን ባላቸው ወቅታዊ አቋም የአማራን ሕዝብ ጥቅም እንደማያስጠብቁ በመረጋገጡ” የሚል ፍረጃ ወይም ውንጀላ ታክሎበታል፡፡ እድሜ ልካችንን ግንባራችንን ሳናጥፍ ለኢትዮጵያና ለአማራ ሕዝቦች ጥቅም መከበር ስንታገል መኖራችንን መላ የብአዴን አባላትና የአማራ ሕዝብ አሳምረው ስለሚያውቁት በ”ሰበር ዜና” ማስተባበል የሚቻል አይደለም፡፡ የእኛ ወቅታዊ አቋም የሚባለው ጉዳይ ከሆነ ደግሞ ሰሞነኛ ሆኖ እንደምንሰማው “የለውጡ ደጋፊና፣ የለውጡ አደናቃፊ” ዲስኩር ከሆነ፤ “ሆድ ሲያውቅ ዶሮ ማታ” ነው፡፡ማን አሁን ለመጣው ለውጥ እንደታገለና፣ ማን ደግሞ ሲፃረር እንደነበረ፣ የብአዴን የማእከላዊ ኮሚቴ አባላት ብቻ ሳይሆን፣ መላ የብአዴን አባላት፣ እንዲሁም በካድሬ ስልጠና ያለፉ፣ በኢሕአዴግ ሥራ አስፈፃሚ፣ በኢሕአዴግ ምክርቤትና በኢሕአዴግ ጉባኤዎች የተሳተፉ የኢሕአዴግ አባል ድርጅቶች በሙሉ በይፋ ያውቁታል፡፡

    እጅግ ዘግይቶም ቢሆን “የድርጅታችንናየስርአቱ ችግሮች እንደተባባሱና ተሃድሶ እንደሚያስፈልግ ከ2002 ዓ.ም ክረምት ጀምሮ ሲነሳ የነበረውን ሃሳብ በወቅቱ ብንቀበል ኖሮ፣ የአሁኑን ቀውስ ማስቀረት ይቻል ነበር” በሚል በሙሉ ድምፅ አቋም የያዘ ማእከላዊ ኮሚቴ፣ ዛሬ በረከትና ታደሰ የለውጡ አደናቃፊዎች ናቸው የሚል አቋም መያዙ “ይብላኝ!” ከማለት በቀር ሌላ ምን ሊባል ይችላል፡፡ ህዝቡን ያስመረሩት የመልካም አስተዳደርና የሙስና ችግሮች ካልተፈቱ፣ የወጣቱን የሥራ ጥያቄ ተረባርበን ካልፈታን፣ ዐመፅ አይቀርልንም፣ 2008 ዓ.ምን በሰላም ማለፍ አይቻልም፤ ለሕዝቡ ቃል እየገባን በተግባር ግን መመለስ አልቻልንም፣ ሰነፍ ተማሪ ከአንዴ፣ ቢበዛ ከሁለት ጊዜ በላይ እንዲደግም እድል እንደማይሰጠው ሁሉ፣ ኢሕአዴግ ሁለት ጊዜ እድል ተሰጥቶታል። ፈጥነን ካላረምነው ግን ሌላ እድል አይሰጠንም….. የሚሉ ሃሳቦችን ስናነሳ፣ “ሟርተኞች፣ ሕዝቡ ከጎናችን ነው፣ የሌለ ነገር እየተናገራችሁ ድርጅታችንን አታጥላሉ፣ ለተቃዋሚዎች መናገሪያ አጀንዳ አትስጡብን” እያሉ ለውጥ ፈላጊዎችን በማሸማቀቅ ሻምፒዮን የነበሩ ግለሰቦች፣ አሁን ደርሰውራሳቸውን ምርጥ የለውጥ ኃይል እያስመሰሉ እኛን የለውጥ አደናቃፊ ለማለት ከቶም የሞራል ብቃት አላቸው ብለን አናምንም። ወቅታዊ አቋማችን ግልፅ ነው፡፡  ኢሕአዴግ ሪፎርም መካሄድ አለበት ብሎ በሙሉ ድምፅ ወስኗል። እኛ የዚህ ሪፎርም አካል ብቻ ሳንሆን ግንባር ቀደም አራማጆች እንደነበርን ጠንቅቃችሁ ታውቃላችሁ።

    በድርጅቱ ሊቀመንበር ለመጀመሪያ ጊዜ “የአማራን ህዝብ ጥቅም አያስከብሩም” የሚል ስሞታ በነባሮች ላይ የቀረበው ሚያዝያ 2010ዓ.ም ላይ በተካሄደው የብአዴን ኮንፈረንስ ላይ ነው። ሊቀ መንበሩ “አሁን ያለው የብአዴን አመራር የሙት ልጅ (Orphan) ነው፣ ነባሮቹ አያግዙትም። ከመለስ ህልፈት በኋላ ምክትል የነበረው እንደተካው ሁሉ፣ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ኃይለማርያም ከኢሕአዴግ ሊቀመንበርነት ሲለቅመተካት የነበረብኝ እኔ ነበርኩ፡፡ ነገር ግን ነባሩ እኔን መደገፍ ሲገባው እድሉ ለኦሮሞ ሊሰጥ ይገባዋል የሚል አቋም በማራመዱ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር የመሆን እድሌ እንዲዘጋ አድርጓል። ይህ ብቻ ሳይሆን ቀደም ብሎም አቶ አዲሱ በመተካካት ሲለቅ እኔ ሲኒየሩ እያለሁ አቶ ኃይለማርያም ምክትል እንዲሆን ተደረገ፡፡ ይህ ሁሉ እኔን በግል ባይፈልጉኝ እንኳ ለአማራ ባለማሰባቸውና አማራ ወደ ስልጣን እንዲመጣ ስለማይፈልጉ የሆነ ነው…” ማለቱንበምስልም በድምፅም የተቀረፀማስረጃ በድርጅቱ ጽ/ቤት ይገኛል። በእኛ እምነት በአንዲት የፌዴራል የስልጣን ወንበር የሚቀመጥ ማንኛውም ሰው የመላው የአገራችን ህዝቦች ወኪልና አገልጋይ እንጅ የአንድ ብሄር ብቻ ባለመሆኑ እጩነት በብቃት እንጅ በብሄር መለካት የለበትም ብለን አቋማችንን ገልፀናል። በበኩላችን አሁንም ቢሆን የአማራ ህዝብ ተጠቃሚነት ክልሉን ለመለወጥ በሚደረግ ርብርብ እንጅ አንድን ወንበር የሚይዝ ሰው በመምረጥና ባለመምረጥ ሊለካ አይገባውም ብለን እናምናለን።

    እጅግ በጣም የገረመን ሌላው ነገር “ጥረት ውስጥ በፈጠሩት ችግር” በሚል አማርኛ ያቀረባችሁት ምክንያት ነው። “አያ ጅቦ ሳታመኻኝ ብላኝ” እንዳለችው ፍጥረት፣ በበኩላችን በዚሁ ቅኝት ያለጥፋታችን ተጠያቂነትን ልንቀበል አንችልም። ከሁሉ በፊት “በፈጠሩት ችግር” ምን ማለት ነው? ይህ አጠቃላይ ድምዳሜ ነው? ማስረጃ ነው? ማስፈራሪያ ነው? እስኪ በቅጡ አብራሩትና አገር ይስማው። ችግር ፈጠራችሁ ከተባልን በምንድነው? በስንፍና ወይስ በስርቆት ችግር ፈጠርን? በስንፍና እንዳትሉን የስራ ባህላችንን ታውቁታላችሁ፡፡ ድርጅት፣ መንግሥትና ሕዝብ የሰጠንን ኃላፊነት ሌት ተቀን በመሥራት ከውጤት ላይ ውጤት ስናመጣ እንጂ በታካችነት አንታወቅም። እኛ የራሳችንና የቤተሰባችን ጥቅም ስናሳድድ አልኖርንም፡፡ በየጊዜው በንባብ፣ ልምዶቻችንን በመቀመርና ለአራት አሥርት አመታት ሌት ተቀንበመልፋት የአመራር ብቃታችንን ለማሳደግ ስንጥር እንጂ፣ በሥራቸውም ሆነ በራሳቸው ላይ አንድም ለውጥ ሳያመጡ፣ ግልፅ ባልሆነ መስፈርት ከአንድ ኃላፊነት ወደ ሌላ ኃላፊነት ሲንጠላጠሉ እንደኖሩት ደካሞች እንዳልሆንን የማእከላዊ ኮሚቴውም ሆነ መላ የብአዴን አባላት አሳምረው ያውቁታል፡፡

    ሁሌም “በሥራ አናማችሁም” ስትሉን ኖራችኋል።  ችግር የምትሉት ስርቆት ከሆነም “ የብአዴን ነባሮች እጃችሁ ንፁህ በመሆኑ እንኮራባችኋለን” ስትሉን ኖራችኋልና ይህን ቃላችሁን ካጠፋችሁ ቀድማችሁ የምታፍሩት እናንተው ራሳችሁ መሆናችሁ አያጠያያቅም፡፡ በተጠናወታችሁ የማላከክና የውንጀላ አባዜ በድፍረት የምትገፉበት ከሆነም፣ አስራ ምናምን ሚሊዮን ዶላር ሰርቆ፣ በፍርድ ቤት ተረጋገጦበት፣ የእድሜውን አንድ ስድስተኛ በእስር ቤት የጨረሰን ወንጀለኛ፣እንዲሸለም፣ ካባ ለብሶ እንዲሽሞነሞን አመራር ሰጭዎች ያሉበት ማእከላዊ ኮሚቴ ሌብነትን ይጠየፋል ብለን ለማሰብ እንደምንቸገር ልታውቁልን ይገባል። የጥረትን ገንዘብ ዘርፋችኋል፣ ሀብት አባክናችኋል እያላችሁ ከሆነም ማጣራቱ ቀላል ነው፡፡ የጥረት ሀብት በግልፅ የሚታይና በየአመቱም በውጭ ኦዲተር እየተመረመረ በሰነድ የሚገኝ በመሆኑ አስቸጋሪ አይደለም፡፡ የተሰጠንን ኃላፊነት በታማኝነት ከመፈፀምና አቅማችንን ሳንሰስት ከመረባረብ በቀር ሌላ ነገር አናውቅምና አለን የምትሉትን ይዛችሁ በህግ ፊት እንሟገት።

    ሁለታችንም የጥረት መሥራች አባላት ነን፡፡ በረከት ከምሥረታው ወቅት ጀምሮ እስከ ሚያዝያ 2009 ዓ.ም ድረስ በቦርድ ሊቀመንበርነት ጥረትን መርቷል፡፡ ታደሰ ደግሞ ከህዳር 2ዐዐ1 ዓ.ም ጀምሮ እስከ ሚያዝያ 2010 ድረስ በምክትልና በዋና ሥራ አስፈፃሚነት ጥረትን ሲመራ ቆይቷል፡፡ ጥረት በተለያዩ ውጣ ውረዶች አልፎ፣ በተለይም የለውጥ እንቅስቃሴ ከጀመረበት ከ2ዐዐ2 ዓ.ም ጀምሮ ፈጣን እድገት አስመዝግቧል፡፡ ጥረት ሲመሠረት ከድርጅቱ የተሰጠው መነሻ ሀብት ሃያ ሚሊዮን ብርና 31 አሮጌ ተሽከርካሪዎች ብቻ ናቸው፡፡ ለተኩን አመራሮች ያስረከብነው ከ11 ቢሊዮን ብር በላይ ሀብት ያላቸው 20 ኩባንያዎችን ነው፡፡ ጥረትን የመራነው ከእያንዳንዱ እንቅስቃሴያችን እየተማርን ነው፡፡ የኢንቨስትመንትና ቢዝነስ አመራር እውቀትና ልምድ ደካማ በሆነበት አገር ውስጥ ሆነን፣ የጥረት አመራር የተለየ ምጥቀት የሚጠበቅበት አይደለም፡፡ ከፕሮጄክት አመራረጥ ጀምሮ ትግበራ ድረስ ብዙ መደነቃቀፎች ያጋጥማሉ፡፡ በሸርክና አፈፃፀም ላይ ስኬትም ጉድለትም ይከሰታል፡፡ መክሰርና ማትረፍ የቢዝነሱ አለም ክስተቶች ናቸው፡፡ ጥረትን ስንመራ እነዚህና መሰል ችግሮች አልታዩም ብለን አናውቅም፣ ይልቁንም በየጊዜው ጉድለቶቻችንን እየገመገምንና እያስተካከልን፣ ውጤታማ የአሠራር ስርዓት፣ ተቋማዊ ፖሊሲዎች፣ ወቅታዊ እቅዶችና የአፈፃፀም መመሪያዎችን እያወጣን በመጓዝ፣ በክልሉ ውስጥ ፈጣን እድገት በማስመዝገብ አርአያ የሆነ ኮርፖሬት ፈጥረናል፡፡ በርግጥ የክልሉ ሕዝብ ከሚጠብቀውና ከሚገባው አኳያ የሠራነው ብዙ ነው ብለን አንመፃደቅም፡፡ ከብዙ ውስጣዊና ውጫዊ እንቅፋቶች ጋር እየታገልን በክልሉ ኢኮኖሚያዊ ልማት ላይ አስተዋኦ አድርገናል፡፡ የመንግሥት ግዴታቸውን በአግባቡ የሚወጡ፣ ጥሩ ግብርና ብድር ከፋዮች የሆኑ ኩባንያዎችን አደራጅተናል፡፡ ከመንግሥት የገዛናቸውን አክሳሪ የነበሩ ኩባንያዎች በአጭር ጊዜ ውስጥ ወደ አትራፊነት መቀየር ችለናል፡፡ በአመራርና በአፈፃፀም ላይ የነበሩና ካሁን በፊት ያልታዩ አዳዲስ  ጉድለቶች አሉ ከተባሉ፣ ሂስ ለመቀበልና አስፈላጊውን እርምት ለማድረግ አንቸገርም።

    እግረ መንገዳችንን ግን አንዳንድ ጥያቄዎችን እናንሳ፡፡ የክልሉ ቃል አቀባይ ለአማራ ብዙሐን መገናኛ መግለጫ ሲሰጡ፣ “የብአዴን አመራር በተለያየ ጊዜ ተጣርተው በቀረቡለት የኪራይ ሰብሳቢነትና የሙስና ችግሮች ላይ የቅጣት ውሳኔ ሲሰጥ ቆይቷል፣ የአሁኑም የዚሁ አካል ነው” ሲሉ ሰምተናል፡፡ /ቃል በቃል አይደለም የጠቀስነው/ ከዚህ በፊት በጥረት አመራሮች ላይ የቀረበው ጥቆማና የአጣሪ ኮሚቴዎች ሪፖርት ታደሰና ሌሎች የማኔጅመንት አባላትን እንጂ በረከትን የሚመለከት አልነበረም፡፡ የማኔጅመንቱ አባላት በወቅቱ መልስ ሰጥተው፣ ማእከላዊ ኮሚቴውም ውሳኔ ሰጥቶበት ያለፈ እንደነበር ይታወቃል፡፡ በበረከት ላይ ምንድን ነው ተጣርቶ የቀረበው አዲስ ጥፋት? ተጣርቶ የቀረበ ካለ በረከት ሳይጠየቅና ማእከላዊ ኮሚቴው የአጣሪዎችንና የተጠርጣሪውን ግራ ቀኝ ሃሳብ ሳይሰማ እንዴት በአዳፍኔ ይፈረዳል? ይህበማእከላዊ ኮሚቴው ውስጥ ያጠላው የቂም በቀል፣ የጥላቻና የዘረኝነት አዚም፣ ምክንያታዊ የሆኑ አስተሳሰቦችን ማራመድ ለሚፈልጉ የማይመች እንደሆነ ከማመልከት በስተቀር ሌላ ትርጉም የለውም።

    ማእከላዊ ኮሚቴው እኛን ከማእከላዊ ኮሚቴ አባልነት ለማገድ ምን አስፈለገው? ምንስ አስቸኮለው? የሚለው ሌላው መልስ የሚሻ ጥያቄ ነው፡፡ ከሦስት አመት በፊት በተካሄደው የብአዴን 11ድርጅታዊ ጉባኤ የማእከላዊ ኮሚቴ ሆነን መሥራት አንፈልግም እያልን፣ አባላት ፍላጎታችንን በመጋፋት እንደመረጡንና፣ ሳንፈልግ ብንመረጥም አንሠራም ብለን ስናንገራግር ቆይተን፣ የተሃድሶው መጀመር ተስፋ ስለፈጠረልን ግለሂስ ወስደን መመለሳችን ይታወቃል፡፡መስከረም ይካሄዳል በሚባለው ጉባኤ በማእከላዊ ኮሚቴ አባልነት ለመመረጥ ፍላጎቱም፣ ዝግጁነቱም እንደሌለን ሁሉም የማእከላዊ ኮሚቴ አባል ያውቃል፡፡ አንድ ወር መታገስ ለምን ተሳነው?ቃል አቀባዩ የነገሩን አመራሩ ብአዴንን ለማልበስ የሚፈልገው አዲስ ልብስ፣ የቂም በቀል፣ የጥላቻና የዘረኝነት፣ ነፃ አቋም የሚይዙ ነባርም ሆነ አዳዲስአባላቱን የማጥቃት፣ የማሸማቀቅና የማግለልሸማ መሆኑን ከማመልከት በቀር ሌላ ምን ትርጉም ሊሰጠው ይችላል።

    ኤርትራ በመመሸግስርአቱን በትጥቅ ሲታገሉ ከነበሩ ኃይሎች ጋር በይቅርታና በፍቅር በመተሳሰር፣ በሰላማዊ መንገድ አብሮ ለመሥራት የተስማማ አመራር፣ በድሉም ሆነ በችግሩ አብረውት ሲታገሉናሲጓዙ የነበሩ ጓዶቹን ለምን ፍቅር ይነፍጋል?  የብሔራዊ ማንነት መመዘኛ፣ ግለሰቡ የተገነባበት ሥነልቦና ሳይሆን የደም ሐረጉ ከየት ይመዘዛል የሚለውን አድርጎ የሚወስድ አመራር ለአማራ ክልልም ሆነ ለኢትዮጵያ ይበጃል ብለን አናምንም። ከኤርትራ ከመጡት ቤተሰቦቹ ጎንደር ከተማ ላይ ተወልዶ፣ በጎንደሬ ስነልቦና ተገንብቶ ያደገውን በረከት፣ ከእናትና አባትህ የወሰድከው ደም ኤርትራዊ ስለሆነ አማራ አይደለህም፣ የአማራ ሕዝብን አትወክልም፣ የአማራ ድርጅትን መምራት አትችልም ማለት አሁን ያለው የብአዴን አመራር ከአስተዋዩና በዘር እየለየ ማፈናቀልን ከማያውቀው የአማራ ህዝብ አኩሪ ባህልና ታሪክ ምን ያህል እንዳፈነገጠ የሚያስገነዝብ ነው። ኮረም አካባቢ የተወለደውና በወሎየነት ስነልቦና ያደገውን ታደሰ፣ ወላጆችህ የአማራ፣ የአገውና የትግራይ ደም ቅልቅል ስላለባቸውአማራ አይደለህም የሚል አስተሳሰብም ተመሳሳይ ስህተት ነው።

    እኛ ከታዳጊነት እስከ ጎልማሳነት እድሜ የኢትዮጵያ ህዝቦች የሚጠቀሙና የሚከበሩበት ሥርዓት እንዲገነባ ስንታገል ቆይተን፣ እነሆ አዛውንቶች መሆን ጀምረናል፡፡ ስንታገል የኖርነው ትግሉ የሚጠይቀውን ሁሉንም ዓይነት መስዋዕትነት በመክፈል ዓላማችንን ለማሳካት ነው፡፡ ለሥልጣን፣ ለግል ኑሮ መደላደል አልታገልነም። ሥልጣንና ከሥልጣን የሚገኝ ጥቅም አያማልለንም፡፡ ከተመክሮና ከሥራ ብቃት አኳያ ከመሥራቾችና ከእኛ ከነባር አመራሮች ያነሰ ደረጃ ላይ የነበሩትን አስቀድመን ወደ ሥልጣን በማውጣት እንጂ፣ ለሥልጣን በመንሰፍሰፍ አንታወቅም፡፡ በየጉባኤው ለማእከላዊ ኮሚቴ አባልነት ስንመረጥ የነበረውም፣ አባላት ይመሩናል ብሎ ስለአመነብን እንጂ፣ በሎቢ ወይም በኔትወርክ እንዳልነበረ ታሪካችን ይመሰክራል፡፡ በትግል ላይ በቆየንባቸው አርባ ዓመታት የሚቆጨን መጥፎ ሥራ አልሠራንም፡፡ የእኛም ሆነ የኢሕዴን/ብአዴን ነባር ታጋዮች ታሪክ፣ ውስጠ ድርጅት ፀረ ዴሞክራሲን፣ መርህ አልባ ግንኙነትን፣ ዘረኝነትን አምርሮ በመታገል የደመቀ ነው።እንደዚህ ዓይነት ጉድለቶችን በታገልን ቁጥርም በተለያየ ጊዜ ስም ማጥፋት፣ ዛቻ፣ አልፎ ተርፎም እስራት ደርሶብናል፡፡ ዛሬም ዝምታ አይበጅም ብለን፣ ሐቁን በይፋ መናገር ስንጀምር፣አንዳንድ ፅንፈኛ የብአዴን ማእከላዊ ኮሚቴ አባላት በተለያዩ ርምጃዎች ሊበቀሉን እንደሚነሱለመገመት አይከብደንም። ነገር ግን በማናቸውም ዓይነት ርምጃ እንደማንበረከክ ለማረጋገጥ እንወዳለን፡፡ በመድረክ የተናገርነውንና አምነንበትን የያዝነውን አቋም፣ በማህበራዊ ሚዲያ ወይም በሌላ መንገድ በሚሰነዘርብን ማስፈራሪያ የምንለዋውጥ ድኩማን አይደለንም፡፡ እንዳንዶች“እንዳያልፉት የለም”፣ “ያልተንበረከክነው” የመሳሰሉትን ዘመን ተሻጋሪ የፅናት መዝሙሮቻችን ጊዜ ያለፈባቸው ቢሏቸውም፤ ዛሬም እንደ ትናንቱ ጊዜያዊ ፈተናዎችን በፅናት አልፎ፣ በደሙ በላቡ ደማቅ ታሪክ የፃፈው ትውልድ አካላት ነን፡፡ ጥቂቶች ሆነን ለአንዳችም ፈተና ሳንምበረከክ ሚሊዮኖችን ማፍራት የሚችሉ ቆራጥ ታጋዮችን አደራ የተቀበልን ታጋዮች ነን፡፡ ብዙ ምርጥ ጓዶቻችንን ቀብረን፣ በእድል ተርፈን፣ ትርፍ ሕይወት የምንኖር፣  የስልጣንና የሀብት ጉጉትየሌለን ሰዎች ነን፡፡ በዚህ ወቅት የሚያሳስበንና እንቅልፍ ነስቶ የሚያሳድረን ዋነኛ ጉዳይ የብአዴን መሪዎች አካሄድ ከክልሉ አልፎ በኢትዮጵያ ላይ ሊያስከትል የሚችለው መዘዝ ነው።  የብአዴን መሪዎችም ሆኑ አባላቱ ይህንልብ ብለው እንዲያጤኑትና ይህን ታላቅ ህዝብ ወደጥፋት እንዳያመሩት ከአደራ ጭምር እናሳስባለን። በበኩላችን ክልላችንና አገራችን ሃላፊነት በጎደለው መንገድ ሳይሆን በተጀመረው መልካም አቅጣጫ እንዲጓዙ የምንችለውን በጎ አስተዋፅኦ ለማድረግ ምንጊዜም ቢሆን ዝግጁዎች ነን። ችግሮች በመወጋገዘ ሳይሆነ በነፃና ገንቢ ሙግት እየተለዩ በመግባባት ሊፈቱ ይገባል ብለን እናምናለን። ስለሆነም  በእኛና በማዕከላዊ ኮሚቴውመካከል ባለው ልዩነት ላይ በየትኛውም የመገናኛ ብዙሃን ቀርበን ከጠቅላላው አመራርም ሆነ ከሚወክላቸው ግለሰቦች ጋር ለመከራከር እና በህዝብ ብይን ለመዳኘት ዛሬም እንደወትሮው ዝግጁዎች መሆናችንን ለመግለፅ  እንወዳለን።

    የብአዴን አኩሪ ታሪክ በጥላቻ ዘመቻ አይድበሰበስም!!

    ዘልዓለማዊ ክብር ለትግሉ ሰማዕታት!!

    ነሐሴ 21 ቀን 2010ዓ.ም.

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    For Shakespeare’s Hamlet, the question was, “To be or not to be.”

    For me, the question is “medemer or not medemer.”

    Hamlet, perplexed in the extreme about his own fate, pondered “Whether ’tis nobler in the mind to suffer/ The slings and arrows of outrageous fortune,/ Or to take arms against a sea of troubles/…

    I, also perplexed in the extreme about the fate of Ethiopia, ponder why some people who proclaim their love for Ethiopia choose not to help Abiy Ahmed, Lemma Megerssa and Gedu Andargachew as the do all of the heavy lifting in transitioning Ethiopia from dictatorship to democracy.

    It appears some people prefer to stand on the sidelines and carp and whine about why the troika  have not solved all of Ethiopia’s problems in five months.

    If all the whining windbags on the sidelines would put their shoulders to the wheel and noses to the grindstone, it may be possible to solve all of Ethiopia’s problems overnight. But they think they can heave “Poof!” and solve all of Ethiopia’s problems with hot air.

    In 2018, Abiy Lemma and Gedu deflected many slings and arrows of outrageous misfortune, prevented a civil war and transformed an Ethiopia in a deep sea of troubles into an Ethiopia in incredible sea-change.

    Six months ago, I trembled in cold sweat watching Ethiopia inching to a creeping civil war. Today, I rejoice in the fact that God has smiled on Ethiopia and steered her away from civil war to civil peace, civil government, civility and civil reconciliation.

    I give full credit to Abiy Ahmed, Lemma Megerssa and Gedu Andargachew for their extraordinary work in transforming a sure-fire civil war into an abundance of civil peace, despite the diabolical shenanigans of the Forces of Darkness.

    In a recent speech, Prof. Mesfin Woldemariam, the stalwart of Ethiopian human rights, said at this moment in Ethiopia’s history, the only question is whether to help Abiy Ahmed, Lemma Megerssa and their team or to forfeit the chance and once again face the abyss.

    Over the past several months, I have been asking the same question in a different form: Ask not what Abiy Ahmed, Lemma Megerssa and Gedu Andargachew can do for Ethiopia, ask what you can do for Ethiopia.

    In other words, both I and Prof. Mesfin are asking everyone to share in the heavy lifting by doing our small part. We are asking everyone to practice what Abiy Ahmed calls “Medemer” or help each other as a core element of our Ethiopiawinet.

    The enormous job of building the New Ethiopia is the responsibility of 100 million Ethiopians, not three individuals.

    If only we could all pile up (“Medemer”) and do our little parts for the greater good of Ethiopia!

    Ethiopians have an old saying. “If spiders’ web could be made into twine, it could tie up a lion.”  If thousands of spiders could come together for a common purpose (“Medemer) and work together, they could snag and bag that big ole king of the jungle.

    If 100 million Ethiopians could only lend each other a hand (“Medemer”), they could uplift not only their country but also the world.

    “Medemer” means to help each other. To help means to give a hand, not a handout but a hand up.

    We have so much strength in our hands to help each other.

    We pack enormous kinetic energy when we make a fist by simply bringing those puny fingers into a fist.

    Ten fingers working together (“Medemer”) can change the world for good or bad. The surgeon holding a scalpel in his fingers saves life. The trigger finger on a gun takes life. The fingers of the artist, author and musician create beauty. The demagogue wags his finger to sow conflict and discord.

    When 5 puny fingers come together (“Medemer”), they make a powerful fist. When 10 fingers multiplied 100 million times come together, they can lift up a country.

    That is what Abiy Ahmed’s “Medemer” means to me. One billion fingers coming together to lift up Ethiopia out of the miry pit poverty, disease, ignorance and ethnic division and hate.

    I hear the nattering nabobs of negativism downplay “Medemer” as “just a political slogan. It does not mean anything.” They are missing the point.

    “Medemer” is simply practicing the principle of inclusiveness.

    In South Africa, they call their inclusiveness  “Ubuntu” (I am because you are.” In other words, you are part of me and what happens to you affects me too.) For Mandela, Ubuntu is the “profound sense that we are human only through the humanity of others; that if we are to accomplish anything in this world it will in equal measure be due to the work and achievement of others.”

    As far as I am concerned, Abiy Ahmed’s “Medemer” is no different than Mandela’s Ubuntu. “Medemer” is all about cooperation, collaboration, consultation, common cause, give-and take, partnership, alliance-building, team work, giving a hand up and creating synergy for the common good.

    “Medemer” is also rooted in MLK’s idea of “solidarity and concern for the good of others” because we “are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality.” Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., said:

    We must all learn to live together as brothers or we will all perish together as fools.  This is the great issue facing us today. No individual can live alone; no nation can live alone. We are tied together. We are tied together in the single garment of destiny, caught in an inescapable network of mutuality.  And whatever affects one directly affects all indirectly.  For some strange reason I can never be what I ought to be until you are what you ought to be.  This is the way God’s universe is made; this is the way it is structured.”

    To me, that is all “Medemer” is all about: Being tied together in the single garment of destiny and being caught in an inescapable network of mutuality.

    The alternative is to perish together as fools. How closely we came to perishing together as fools!

    When we practice “Medemer”, we will be doing what Dr. King decreed: Walk together, work together, go to jail together, celebrate together, cry together, laugh together, pray together, sing together, and live together in peace until that day when all God’s children – Amhara, Oromo, Tigray, Somali, Gurage, Wolayita, Sidama, Afar and the other 75 or more groups of the Ethiopian family — will rejoice in one common band of humanity.

    When we practice the inclusive politics of “Medemer”, in the poetic words of James Weldon Johnson, we

    Lift every voice and sing,
    Till earth and heaven ring,
    Ring with the harmonies of Liberty;
    Let our rejoicing rise
    High as the list’ning skies,
    Let it resound loud as the rolling sea.
    Sing a song full of the faith that the dark past has taught us,
    Sing a song full of the hope that the present has brought us;
    Facing the rising sun of our new day begun,
    Let us march on till victory is won…

    When we develop a robust culture of inclusiveness, our identity becomes our humanity. We focus on what makes us human, and not a member of an ethnic group, religion or region.

    When we practice “Medemer”, we rise up from our narrow ethnicity to our inclusive humanity or Ethiopianity.

    When we practice inclusiveness or Ethiopiawinet, we no longer think in terms of “I, me, mine”.  We scale up to think about “We, us, ours” as human beings bound in a single garment of destiny called the New Ethiopia.

    It is by being inclusive that we can create a peaceful and harmonious society where everyone feels they belong, which means they feel included.

    When everyone feels included and becomes part of the Ethiopian family, “Medemer” becomes our song of faith, of hope, of freedom, of democracy, of equality, of justice.

    “Medemer” ushers in our new day, our New Ethiopia, before the rising sun and becomes our anthem, not a slogan, as we march till victory is won.

    Prof. Mesfin Woldemariam: The question is to help or not to help Abiy Ahmed, Lemma Megerssa and Team Abby-Lemma?

    When Prof. Mesfin Woldemariam talks, most of us listen, and not necessarily because we agree with him. Many who disagree with him also listen. For many, he has been a teacher in the classroom and for many more an advocate-teacher in the courtroom of public opinion.

    Prof. Mesfin is an inspiration to me.

    To me, before he was a university professor, he was a professional dissenter. He has lived the hard, onerous and intellectually lonely life of the dissenter always speaking his truth to users, abusers, misusers and losers in power.

    During his 88 years on the planet, all of the powers that be in Ethiopia have wagged their index fingers at him, clenched their fist in his face and pushed and shoved him in and out of jail. Like the indefatigable camel, he kept on walking. He kept on talking, teaching, preaching and outreaching as the dogs of state kept on barking and baring their teeth at him.

    I was brought to tears when he told a gathering a few days ago [translated by author]:

    … It is after such a long time that I have been invited to appear at a gathering like this. I am not the kind of person who is invited to attend gathering like this. The fact that I am invited to this event is testament to how much Ethiopia has changed. I thank you [for inviting me] not privately for myself but for Ethiopia. All of you who are here, just like me, perhaps are not the type who would have been invited to attend such a gathering. Today, we are here and so has Ethiopia.

    The question now is how do we create an Ethiopia in which all of us will live in dignity, live peacefully, live proudly as Ethiopians. We are the ones who can make her so. To achieve this, we must purge self-centeredness from our character… We must unite and if do we will not go to bed hungry.

    These days I have seen things I have not seen in my life. I am 88 years old. I have seen many governments since the time of the Italian invasion [1935]. Until this time when God has sent us the two people, Abiy Ahmed and Lemma Megerssa, whom I believe are Godsend to us from Heaven, [I had little hope]. These people have ideas, spirits and objectives they want to plant in the country. We must join them (Medemer) and strive to plant the same ideas, spirit and objectives. That is the question now. There is no other question. There is no question of self-centeredness. How do we help these people who have come with new aims plant their objectives in Ethiopia? How do we help them so that what they are doing lasts a long time, for our children and grandchildren? That is the question. We must help them plant those ideas and objectives for all Ethiopian citizens, not ethnicities. Personally, for however long time I have, I don’t know if I have one or two years, I pledge to help these people by doing everything I can do…

    Prof. Mesfin and myself are arguably the first out of the gate in the human rights advocacy community to fully endorse and defend PM Abiy Ahmed.

    In an Amharic commentary on April 22, 2018, Prof. Mesfin explained:

    … Abiy is just starting. As he said himself, he is beginning to do his first task. He is just taking his first steps. Let alone running, he is barely walking. But it appears there are many standing in the shadows to ambush him. I believe he is crisscrossing the country to save our people from dangerous intrigues. In my estimation, those who are expressing bitter opposition against him could be transformed into becoming his supporters…

    How true. Those who opposed Abiy Ahmed in the beginning are today his die-hard fans and cheerleaders.

    I gave PM Abiy Ahmed my unconditional support in my 6,755-word open letter six days after he took office.

    I supported him because I knew he would be facing a gathering storm of doubt, condemnation, skepticism, fear mongering, criticism, baseless accusations and enmity. I knew he needed help and fast. That is why I assured him from day 1, I have his back.

    I also gave him a couple of useful pieces of advice I have followed in my life.

    One advice comes from Mark Twain, the great American writer and humorist who said, “It’s not the size of the dog in the fight that determines the outcome, it’s the size of the fight in the dog.” That is how David defeated Goliath. Abiy too can prevail.

    In my second piece of advice, I told him to heed an old adage about the devil and the storm. To those who say you are not strong enough to weather the storm, I want you to tell them, “I am the storm”. To those who do not believe you are the storm, tell them, “I am the calm in the eye of the storm.” To those who do not believe that, tell them, “Just wait and see Cheetahs raining down on you.”

    Over the past seven months, Stormin’ Abiy has changed so many things, my head spins just thinking about it all.

    Why we must help Abiy Ahmed, Lemma Megerssa and Gedu Andargachew (Team Abiy) in the heavy lifting to bring democracy to Ethiopia

    Reason No. 1: To put it bluntly, Team Abiy is the best hope we have right now for freedom, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia. No question about it!

    There are many politicians who talk big and blow smoke.

    Abiy, Lemma and Gedu talk the talk and walk it too!

    Seven months ago, Ethiopia was on the verge of civil war. Today, Ethiopia is basking in civil peace and freedom.

    Reason No. 2: Team Abiy  saved the day. They saved us from the Day of Armageddon. They saved us all by preaching love and teaching us we must take the path of forgiveness and reconciliation because the other path leads only to destruction. We could have been cursed with rabble-rousers who preach the philosophy of “an eye for an eye”. If we had sought revenge instead of reconciliation, today Ethiopia would be a nation of 100 million blind people. Instead, we have 100 million bright-eyed people who believe  Ethiopia’s best days are yet to come!

    Reason No. 3: Team Abiy is knocking down walls and building bridges. They are busting down the kilil mud walls one mud brick at a time.

    In January 2011, I predicted, “When the mud walls of African dictatorships come tumbling down, the palaces of illusion behind those walls will vanish without a trace.” If Ethiopians and the rest of Africa is to have “hope of a better future, they will need to build a fortress of freedom impregnable to the slings and arrows of civilian dictators and the savage musketry of military juntas.”

    In February 2013, I predicted how the end would come when the mud walls of ethnic dictatorship in Ethiopia come tumbling down.

    The mud walls of dictatorship in Ethiopia have been exhibiting ever expanding cracks since the death of the arch architect of dictatorship Meles Zenawi sometime last summer. The irony of history is that the question is no longer whether Ethiopia will be like Humpty Dumpty as the ‘king’ and ‘king’s men’ have toiled to make her for two decades. The tables are turned. Despite a wall of impregnable secrecy, the ‘king’s men and their horses’ are in a state of disarray and dissolution. They lost their vision when they lost their visionary. The old saying goes, ‘in the land of the blind, the one-eyed man is king.’ Well, the king is no more; and the ‘king’s men and horses’ are lost in the wilderness of their own wickedness, intrigue and deception.

    Are the Forces of Darkness today lost in the wilderness of their own wickedness, intrigue and deception?

    In January 2013, I also predicted the rise of a new generation of Chee-Hippo bridge builders. I wrote the Cheetah (Abo Shemane, younger) generation of Abiy, Lemma and Gedu shall join hands with my Hippo (older) generation to “build bridges to connect people seeking democracy, freedom and human rights. They will build bridges across ethnic canyons and connect people stranded on islands of homelands (kilils). They will bridge the gulf of language, religion and region. They build bridges to link up the rich with the poor. They build bridges of national unity to harmonize diversity. They build bridges to connect the youth at home with the youth in the Diaspora. Chee-Hippos will build social and political networks to empower youth.

    I believe that is exactly what is happening today. Chee-Hippos tearing down mud walls and building steel bridges.

    Why I will help Team Abiy to the best of my ability

    I have no political ambitions. Over the past 13 years, I have declared many times that I have nothing but contempt for those who hunger and thirst for power.

    I support Abiy, Lemma and Gedu because they believe and practice the politics of inclusion.

    I abhor the politics of exclusion, division, discrimination, dehumanization, repression and personal destruction.

    I shall help them because I share their core beliefs.

    First and foremost, they, like me, believe in EthiopiaWINet. We do not believe in EthiopiawiNOT.

    In January 2012, I declared, “Choose your humanity before your ethnicity and nationality.”

    But when my Ethiopiawinet was challenged, I taught the Forces of Darkness the meaning of Ethiopiawinet.

    I believe I am the first person to ever issue a personal proclamation (of 5,544 words) declaring “I, PROUD ETHIOPIAN” when my Ethiopiawinet was challenged by the Forces of Darkness.

    Second, like me, Abiy, Lemma and Gedu believe in the rule of law. I was proud to see Prime Minster Abiy Ahmed yesterday teaching members of the press the practical meaning of rule of law. He said no one will be deprived of his/her right except with strict adherence to the rule of law. That is due process.

    When he was asked about the delay in the release of information to the public on the status of the investigation of the June 23 bombing, PM Abiy demonstrated to the world that he means what he says and says what he means when he talks about the rule of law. He made no mention of those accused but discussed the professional aspects of the police investigative process.

    Compare that with the rule by law of Meles Zenawi.

    During the “terrorism” trial of Swedish journalists Johan Persson and Martin Schibbye in 2011, Meles Zenawi declared,

    They are, at the very least, messenger boys of a terrorist organization. They are not journalists. Why would a journalist be involved with a terrorist organization and enter a country with that terrorist organization, escorted by armed terrorists, and participate in a fighting in which this terrorist organization was involved? If that is journalism, I don’t know what terrorism is.

    Shortly thereafter, Persson and Schibbye were convicted and handed a long prison term.

    PM Abiy, knowing full well that the suspects tried to kill him and were caught red handed, said absolutely nothing about their case because he knows the applicable rule of law, Art. 20(3) of the Ethiopian Constitution: “Accused persons have the right to be presumed innocent until proved guilty according to law.”

    Third, like me, they believe in the power of love, nonviolence, forgiveness and reconciliation. In my very first public statement in July 2006, I declared, “I believe we prove the righteousness of our cause not in battlefields soaked in blood and filled with corpses, but in the living hearts and thinking minds of men and women of good will.” For me, from day 1, it has been a struggle for hearts and minds of Ethiopian men and women of good will. It has been about truth and reconciliation, first and foremost, in hearts and minds.

    No one has ever won the hearts and minds of the people by using hate, violence and  revenge.

    But Abiy Ahmed has won the hearts and minds of the Ethiopian people by preaching love, nonviolence, forgiveness and reconciliation. I challenge anyone to disprove me on this point!

    When the power of love overcomes the love of power, Ethiopia shall have peace and not civil war, thanks to Abiy Ahmed!

    Fourth, like me, they believe in inclusion. Having lived in America for nearly fifty years, I never felt excluded because I included myself in anything I wanted. In that, I felt like Ayn Rand’s character (founder of Objectivism, which champions individuality and self-reliance) in one of her novels who resonates the view, “The question isn’t who is going to let me; it’s who is going to stop me.” That is how I began my career of speaking truth to power where ever they may be.

    Long before Barack Obama declared it,  I practiced and lived the politics of inclusion in my life: “There is not a liberal America and a conservative America—there is the United States of America. There is not a Black America and a White America and Latino America and Asian America—there’s the United States of America.”

    That is exactly my politics of inclusive Ethiopiawinet. There is not an Oromoo Ethiopia, an Amhara Ethiopia, a Tigray Ethiopia… There is only ETHIOPIAWINET!

    Fifth, I must confess Abiy, Lemma and Gedu are better than me. They are humble, unpretentious, soft-spoken, patient, modest, sincere and tolerant. That is great because I can learn so much from them. After seeing them in action, I have come down from my high horse and become one with the people of Ethiopia.

    Dr. King said, “Every man must decide whether he will walk in the light of creative altruism or the darkness of destructive selfishness. Life’s most persistent and urgent question is, ‘What are you doing for others’?”

    Nelson Mandela taught pretty much the same thing. “What counts in life is not the mere fact that we have lived. It is what difference we have made to the lives of others that will determine the significance of the life we lead.”

    Every day, I see Abiy, Lemma and Gedu leading by example working for Ethiopian unity, peace and reconciliation.

    We know what Abiy, Lemma and Gedu are doing for Ethiopia.  The question for all of us is, “What are we doing for our people? What positive difference are we making in their lives?”

    My plea to the Hippo Generation to support Abiy Ahmed, Lemma Megerssa and Gedu Andargachew

    I plead with those in my Hippo (older) Generation to rise up and help the Cheetah (Abo Shemane) Generation of Abiy Ahmed, Lemma Megerssa and Gedu Andargachew as they do all of the heavy lifting in transitioning Ethiopia from dictatorship to democracy.

    I make my plea because I do not want our history to repeat itself.

    I have this nagging, gnawing fear of history repeating itself in Ethiopia: We never miss an opportunity to miss an opportunity!

    I shall paraphrase President Abraham Lincoln’s speech  to Congress in December 1862, a month before he issued the Emancipation Proclamation, in making my closing argument:

    Fellow-Ethiopians. We cannot escape history. We of the older generation will be remembered in spite of ourselves. No personal significance, or insignificance, can spare one or another of us. The fiery trial through which we pass, will light us down, in honor or dishonor, to the younger generation. We say we are for Ethiopia. The world will not forget that we say this. We know how to save Ethiopia. The world knows we do know how to save it. We hold the power and bear the responsibility.

    Today, we shall nobly save, or meanly lose, the last best hope for peace, reconciliation and a bright future for Ethiopia. Other means and men and women may succeed. But this blessed journey we have begun with Abiy Ahmed, Lemma Megerssa and Gedu Andargachew cannot and must not fail because failure is not an option for us!

    We MUST help and support Abiy Ahmed, Lemma Megerssa and Gedu Andargachew with all our hearts and minds!

    Ethiopia’s destiny is in our hands

    The solution to our problems is in each of our hands.

    If we want to defeat our deadly enemies — poverty, disease, ignorance, ethnic division, strife and hate – once and for all, we must be inclusive, not exclusive, divisive, isolative, discriminative or destructive.

    Legend has it that a little boy once caught a small bird and took it to an old man to trick him. He put the bird in his cupped palms and asked,  “Old man, can you guess what I have in my hands?” The old man replied, “You have a bird, my son.” The boy, disappointed  he could not trick the old man followed up, “If you’re so smart, now tell me is this bird alive or  dead?”

    The old man paused for a while because he knew if he said the bird is alive, the boy  would squeeze his hands and crush the little bird to death. If he said the bird is  dead, then the boy would just open his hands and let the bird fly free. The old man replied, “Well, that is entirely up to you, my son. After all, the bird is in your hands.”

    Ethiopia’s destiny is entirely in our hands, NOT in the hands of Abiy Ahmed, Lemma Megerssa and Gedu Andargachew.

    Ethiopia will live or die based on what we do with our hands.

    If we want Ethiopia to live forever and thrive, we have to give Abiy Ahmed, Lemma Megerssa and Gedu Andargachew a hand up in the heavy lifting.

    We must join hands with them (Medemer) and lift Ethiopia out of poverty, disease, ignorance, ethnic strife and hatred.

    We MUST all practice “Medemer” to let Ethiopia become free as a bird!

    Medemer today.

    Medemer tomorrow.

    Medemer forever

    Read more ›


    ብርሌ ከነ ቃ፣ አይሆንም ዕቃ። Tecola W Hagos ( 7 August 2018)

    1. In General PM Abiy Ahmed is not the leader we all thought Godsend.

    This is not something personal, for I like Abiy Ahmed as a n individual . However, i n such short period since his visit here in the United States , much has come to light that has made me to look at the current Leaders far more closely and objectively , and I find them lacking and dangerous to the very existence of Ethiopia as a nation . I admit that I am at a disadvantage in making an objective judgment on matters concerning Ethiopia . Because of my deeply seated love for Ethiopia not just because she is my Motherland , but also for concrete reasons such as its fab ulous history and its beautiful people , I tend to believe the good spoken of Ethiopians in general and its leaders in particular . I have been flip - flopping in my views about PM Abiy Ahmed along with a few Ethiopians who heard his speeches because I was se duced and pulled into contradictory positions. In a way this ambivalence shows that I am not burdened with narrow ethnicity n or hateful of any particular group. The power of words on me is very real , for I could be moved by words into tears with compassion but also into a r oaring lion in anger .

    A week ago, i t is to be recalled that I summed up my observations of the visit of PM Abiy and his Delegation to Diaspora Ethiopians in the United States . My summation was full of laudatory positive no te s with a certain degree of humor (remember my grading) :

    “ No matter how I cut it, the visit of PM Abiy Ahmed and his Delegation was uplifting, life affirming, and exhausting too. I have written highly critical articles of PM Abiy, he had more than made - up with this visit and overcome my skepticism to a great extent. I conclude here by writing that we give PM Abiy Ahmed and President Lemma Megersa our trust and help them achieve their vision of a united and wealthy Ethiopia with happy and fulfilled Citizens . However, do not forget the fact that they are human beings with limitations. ” [ 1 August 2018, Aiga Forum]

    Such a statement is more of an a c t of faith than empirically supported or drawn conclusion. We need to learn a precious lesson from my journey that at times during great turmoil that it is better to hanker down and observe before popping up and writing pieces making a fool of oneself. This article is my effort to restore some dignity to myself as well as correct some serious errors of judgment on my part on the present volatile situation in Ethiopia and about the danger facing Ethiopia if the leadership of Abiy Ahmed continues .

    There a re overwhelming reasons for removing Abiy Ahmed from office to save Ethiopia from disintegration and the creation of mini - states such as Oromia, Ogaden - Somali, Tygraei, Gondar, Sidama, Benshangul et cetera. None of such states would be viable for decades, and in the meantime the Horn region will be drawn into the bloodbath of ethnic cleansing started within the new mini - states of fragmented Ethiopia. It would be socked with blood of minorities within each mini - state and also with the counter attacks by neig hboring mini - states and the ensuing blood shade is no less atrocious.

    This armed insurrections and liquidation of members of ethnic groups will spil l over into Eritrea, Djibouti, Somali land ( Hargesa ) , Somalia (Mogadishu), Kenya, Uganda, South Sudan, and Su dan. It might even jump across the Red Sea into Yemen, Saudi Arabia et cetera. One simply cannot dismiss one hundred ten million people not having some major consequences if disbanded armed and hungry.

    2. The Need for Wo y ane liberators

    There is not much tim e to waste debating and speculating the fate of Ethiopia. What I witnessed in the last five days is enough to convince anyone about the gravity of the political and social problems facing Ethiopia. Because of the wrong policy of federalism based on languag e and the creation of Kilils , a huge chasm of disaffected Diaspora come into being. On that score, I have always supported anyone critical of such system. I blamed Meles Zenawi as the spearhead of that devastating policy and its implementation. With the issue of corruption of some TPLF leaders , I had no way of verifying the truthfulness of the matter since I lived outside of Ethiopia never visiting since 1992. I will assume that some of the allegations are true. However, the rabid Diaspora intellectuals and a lot of ignoramus economic immigrants ( who falsely claim political causes for their refugee status ) wrote and blogged unfounded generalized condemnation of all Tygreans as if they were wallowing in great wealth and development projects . Whereas the reality on the ground in Tygrai showed that Tygrai was the least developed region with minimal government led projects of any investment except a badly needed but poorly constructed Dam and a textile factory that is more of a headache because of poorly desig ned system of the acquisition of raw material. If we consider the history of rebellion in E thiopia, the most successful were the two Woyane rebel lions : the first in 1943 - 44 and the second that was started in 1976 that succeeded to destroy Mengistu Hailemariam and his Government in 1991 .

    Just to remind you of the illustrious history of the Great Woyane R ebellion that several of you write disparaging opinion about due to your ignorance and unwillingness to learn the truth, I am in terjecting the names of the leaders and what they fought for. The 1 st Wo y ane rebellion was led by Fitawrari Yeebio Woldai (Wedi Weldai), ( b orn Samre - Enderta ) , the Chief leader and commander of the 1943 woyane rebelli on ; Dejazamtch Negusse Bezabih, ( b orn Da ' Meskel - Mekelle, Enderta ) , a t op leader and commander ; Bashay Gugsa Mengesha, ( b orn Adi - seleste, Hintalo - Enderta ) , top leader and commander ; Blata Hailemariam Reda, ( b orn Dandera - Enderta ) the most dynamic Commander of the 1943 woyane rebellio n . Of course, there was intrigue and betrayal too in that fantastic peasant uprising .

    Those leaders of the 1 st Woyane were young and energetic. They fought under the Flag of Ethiopia (Green, Yellow, and Red) for justice, freedom, self - governance, and lower t axation. They were such great fighters and so effective that they controlled Tygrai in matters of Weeks and inflicted defeats after defeats on the far more well equipped and numerous Imperial Army . Mind you the Woyane did not fight to dismantle Ethiopia but for great unity where justice and freedom prevails equally to all Ethiopians. I heard such uplifting story from first hand narrative of my own Father whose love of Ethiopiawinnet knows no boundary whatsoever, who fought against the Italian occupiers as a young Patriot for five years and was wounded several times. [See Andrew Hilton, The Ethiopian Patriots ( Spellmount Military Studies , 2008]

    The Imperial g overnment of Emperor Haile Selassie I had to enlist the help of the British Royal Air Force to bomb the Rebels’ strong hold s and battle formations in Mekele, Amba Alage, Mychew, Enderta et cetera which they did mercilessly for weeks . After the rebellion was crushed, Emperor Haile Selassie I acted in judicious and merciful manner by not commit ting any mass executions, but exiled the leaders of the Rebellion to Debre Brehan and later to Southern territories. He even enlisted some of them to help him subdue rebellion in the South. [However, the irony here is the fact that I think of Emperor Haile Selassie as the greatest Emperor and leader Ethiopia ever had.] The second Woyane rebellion is embedded as TPLF in the history of Ethiopia , and as member of the present coalition of EPRDF that run s the Federal Government of Ethiopia. This is also the First Rebellio n by none aristocratic claimants in all of Ethiopian history that came to power by its own sheer courage and fighting skills. [The Derg is a military coupe not a rebellion movement.] However, t o date the TPLF has lost its leadership in that coalition and E thiopia is exposed to very perilous future.

    The magnitude of the sacrifice is mind - boggling, and in sheer numbers over sixty thousand lives were dearly paid as the sacrifice to destroy the Derg. I heard Abiy Ahmed repeatedly making totally misleading and insulting remarks about the struggle of members of the TPLF in the prolonged fight of seventeen years waged against Mengistu Haile m ariam , the brutal genocidal coward who run off stealing millions when he realized of the eminent defeat of his poorly lead Ar my in 1991 . Abiy Ahmed with his convoluted sense of historical facts about the sacrifices of tens of thousands of TPLF warriors, disparaged the entire Tygrean population with inciteful words and phrases such as የቀን ጅቦች Yeken Jiboach .

    Abiy Ahmed was an 11 th hour addition to the OPDO / EPRD F forces after they have already dislodged and won over the Forces of the Derg in 1991 . Demeke Mekonnen was recruited even later. It is quite amusing to me to hear Abiy Ahmed talk about such historical facts of struggle and sacrifice with condescension. Abiy Ahmed is an amateur politician, rather than building on his base EPRDF Member Parties he attacked and compromised such strong roots of the coalition namely the TPLF which led to dissentions and boldness by weak members s uch as the Somali group. The willing Amhara and Oromo blob s easily use as their mantra the many inciteful and insulting words and phrases used by Abiy Ahmed and thereby the cowardly mob commit ted numerous atrocities against innocent individual Tygreans and Amharas . And the recent atrocities committed by gangs of Somali thugs in Jijiga on Am ha ra s and few Oromos is equally blameworthy on the New Leadership. Abiy Ahmed , Degu Andargachew, and Demeke Mekonnen, all have buckets of blood of innocent people soaking their hands and they will pay for that dearly sooner than they think . These new leaders have no credibility and record of service that could endear them to the tens of thousands of members of the EPRDF support group and also in the members of the Federal Ethiopian Forces.

    3. Timing is now , TPLF take control

    Except for some of the Gond a r and Baher Dar area, and some limited areas in North Wollo area , the Amhara r e gion is ill - informed and disorganized. The staunchest often barbaric lynching of ordinary innocent Tygreans and the destruction of their property took place in Gondar, Baher Dare, Belesa area , Woldia and Kobo, and Debre Markos . Amharas involved in such atrocities and the off icials of those towns who are now supporters of Abiy Ahmed that blatantly allowed such shameful acts to take place from such area s should be shamed and legal action s must be taken against them . The alternative is to hunt down such rabid dogs with vigilance sooner or later. For now, I urge all concerned righteous Ethiopians to k eep all records accurately with names and addresses of such murderers and officials who are responsible to govern such areas . One must understand the fact that Abiy Ahmed has no sol id personally developed political ground to stand on. The facts as I learned of them recently from reliable sources, that there was no “ Team Lemma ” at any such period that comprised of brave members of the ruling group. Whether it is Abiy Ahmed, Demeke Mekonnen, or Gedu Endargachew never w ere part of a conspiratorial group that heroically designed the downfall of TPLF Leadership. They do not even lik e each other. Even the phrase “Team Lemma” is a later monoculture that appeared in writings of conspiracy theorists in the Diaspora, in the same way as Al Mariam of late has been promoting “Team Abiy” obviously to counter the popularity of Lemma Megersa th at eclipsed Abiy’s presence in almost all of the public addresses in the Diaspora conferences in the United States. Those individuals that climbed into power on the tail coat of Abiy Ahmed are the luckiest politicians in human history. The Leadership of TP LF was compromised then and continued to fall apart of its own stupor, lethargy and corrupted fragmented Leadership thereby opening space for Abiy Ahmed to squeeze through to the Premiership of Ethiopia. ፍየል በግርግር፣ እናቷን ታጠቃለች። Fiel begriger enatuan tateka lech . Abiy Ahmed is frantically trying to buil d a base by inviting in and courting leaders of terrorist organizations such as OLF, Ginbot - 7, ONLF/ Jawar Mohammed, et cetera. Th e s e groups are working for their own share of the pol it ical carcass of Ethiopia that they presume is dead and ready for ቅ ር ጫ kircha butchering . But writing - off Ethiopia in such hasty manner is premature and a serious error in judgment. Ethiopia is not a political ly dead carcass to be butchered into mini - states of Oromia, Ogaden - Somali, Amhara Gondar, Tygrai states et cetera. The zeal and patriotic sensibility in maintaining Ethiopia united and sovereign is very much alive in the hearts and minds of millions of Ethiopians. Mind you the fact that the popularity of Abiy Ahmed is solely based on the misperception of the Ethiopian population tha t Abiy Ahmed is a unifier and champion of Ethiopian unity wrongly contrasting him against the TPLF wrongly perceived as anti - Ethiopian unity . The e vents of the last few days tell us a totally different disappointing story, for Abiy Ahmed is in fact the one that is fracturing Ethiopia by his “forgiveness” of criminals who had caused the murders of thousands of Ethiopians during the Red Terror and afte r and amnesty scheme to allow into Ethiopia terrorist leaders who had fought for decades to destroy and dismantle Ethiopia. Rather than working and strengthening his base, the EPRDF, he looked for outside help to weaken the EPRDF. He courted the defunct De rg leadership including Mengistu Hailemariam through the idiotic former PM Hailemariam Desalegn who was pictured grinning with Mengistu the bloody murderer of tens of thousands of Ethiopians in Harare , Kassa Kebede the right - hand man of Mengistu, the Leade rs of the OLF, et cetera. The Peace Agreement with Eritrea is also part of that scheme. Abiy Ahmed is just a passing dream turned into a nightmare. The sooner we get rid of such “ አፈ ቅቤ፤ ልበ ጩቤ ” Afe Kibe, Lebe chu be leader (descriptive aphorism used by a patriotic blogger Yonas Muluneh ) , the better for Ethiopia. What Steps must be taken to reverse the current trend of Oromoization of Ethiopia by force and deception that is underway as I write this very moment . Whether deeply set or accidently being led by Abiy Ahmed , this ongoing setup of Oromo dominance is not helpful to bring order to this deeply fractured Ethiopia . It is in the best interest of all Ethiopians to restore the balancing of power as practiced by TPLF minus the corrupt TPLF leaders and replac ing them with young and visionary leaders. I urge TPLF Leaders to reconstitute the Party quickly and install new leadership. The New Leadership of TPLF must start the march to liberate Ethiopia from Abiy Ahmed’s totalitarian single ethnic rule. The goal s hould be to reach Addis Ababa as soon as possible. He who c ontrols Addis controls Ethiopia. I suggest that t he 3 rd Woyane wave of liberators use the lesson learned in 1 9 90 - 91 march on Addis Ababa that was multi thronged and fast moving. It should be abl e to recruit local groups to help it achieve the administrative control and management of villages, towns, and the local population at large just as in 1990 . For the Woyane forces to be effective , the TPLF must first get rid of the cult of Meles Zenawi al ong with the entire current leadership of the TPLF and use former field commanders including those that were unjustly pushed out when Meles Zenawi was consolidating his power. There must be chosen a dynamic well educated and patriotic individual to lead th e 3 rd Woyane. Such an individual need not be Tygrean by birth, he or she could be chosen on the strength of character of unquestionable Patriotic zeal and tremendous commitment to the ideal of Ethiopiawinnet from any ethnic group. I suggest focusing on Afar, Wajirat, Irob and even Wag/Lasta as source for such a leader. I would choose a female leader if I have a chance to do so. However, in such leadership for resurrection of the forces of TPLF, do not include losers in the past power struggles of TPLF , individuals such as Aregawi Berhe and his group, Gebru Asrat and his group et cetera or even Seye Abraha, but they could be used as advisors . The new leadership must give stern warning to such dissenter groups of old not to compromise the new liberation campaign in any form.

    4. Selling us to the Arabs

    I am very upset and deeply saddened by the assassination of Engineer Semegnew Bekele. I have very few heroes in my life, and Eng Semegnew was/still is my one hero I respected and admired deeply . I am convinced that the death of the dedicated Ethiopian patriot is the work of Ethiopians in collaboration with Egypt/Saudi Arabia/UAE and/or any of the other Arab countries. I suspect more than any g roup in this sabotage Or omo secessionist groups. Mind you that all the men and women charged with the assassination attempt on Abiy Ahmed of June 16 are all Oromos. At that time people were pointing their racist fingers at Tygreans and even lynched a few in Addis, Debre Markos, G ondar et cetera. The only problem I have with that assumption is the fact that such Oromos lack both the courage and efficiency to carryout such major assassination. It will not surprise me if the individuals involved are Ethiopian security personnel recr uited by the new Chief of National Security on behalf of Abiy Ahmed. The forensic of the crime scene and at the hospital too seems very suspicious. This was/is one situation the use of FBI would have been most appropriate. But that was not allowed by the E thiopian Officials. I guess Demeke Mekonnen and Abiy Ahmed might have been involved , for their lukewarm reaction to the death of the Engineer is puzzling to me and a number of Ethiopians too .

    Egypt, Saudi Arabia, UAE, or Kuwait can tempt and corrupt any l eader in the Horn Countries to do their bidding by offering hundreds of millions of dollars . Stopping the Building and completing the GRED is of paramount importance to the Arabs. They could e asily offer to reimburse the entire expenditure so far on the Dam with some percentage more to compensate Ethiopia to stop finishing the dam as planned. Offering ten billion dollars to Ethiopia to stop the completion of the dam is within their armpit, for they spend a lot more o n frivolous projects. I have a very sickening feeling in my gut, that Abiy Ahmed has either sold us out already or is planning to compromise our sovereignty to the Arabs. It might not e v en be motivated by personal corruption of gain to himself or family , b ut misguided zeal to bring about some relief to the suffering of millions of young and old Ethiopians caught in this period of great transition from primitive peasant life to modern industrialized life

    We must guard against the honeyed words of Abiy Ahme d and the words of his group members. They have superb abilities in painting wonderful images of a prosperous and joyous Ethiopia in our minds. We must guard against such seductions. I know it is difficult to resist such temptations by any hungry destitute nation, but we must dig deep into our collective consciousness for our uniquely Ethiopian patriotism and reject such temptations. The Arabs are not our friends. Period. I admonish you all, my fellow Ethiopians , to s tart with that premise and see where it takes you in your quest for your freedom and justice for all your fellow Ethiopians. But first there is the harsh reality we must face of real disintegration.

    No Conclusion ብርሌ ከነቃ፣ አይሆንም ዕቃ።

    I do not offer here any conclusory remarks. I am suggesting s imply starting points for a new and challenging liberation movement. Ethiopians over all lack discipline. Generally, the Ethiopian population is like a spoiled - child that has not truly experienced the harsh reality of a truly despotic ruler, except during the Mengistu Red Terror era. Ethiopian leaders are far more benevolent compared to other African, Asian or Latin American leaders in like situations. Yes, I know there have been killing, ethnic cleansing, torture and detention of thousands of innocent Ethi opians. But most of th e atrocities w ere carried out by local mob and murderous narrow ethnicists. I believe that we need a military government right now more than anything else to keep us whole and focused on our development effort. The Federalism that we experienced for the last twenty years has created havoc and division that must be reversed. The only coherent group that can achieve that national goal is our Military. I had advocated to use the Turkish model in pursuing the military rule for Ethiopia.

    In my first memo to the EPRDF in 1991 , I advocated the idea of allowing citizens to arm themselves and not to take away the armaments from those who were armed already. I also wrote about establishing an individual arms registration system for identificati on purposes and to counter criminal activities. I still believe in arming civilian citizen s so that they will have a fighting chance against g e nocidal narrow ethnicists attacks such as the one we witnessed in JiJiga and the Somali region over the Weekend . What leaders do not seem to understand is the fact that when one denies the civilian population from arming itself, it does not mean all arms are under governmental control. The reality is that criminal minded individuals will always have access to illegal weapon , and it is the law abiding civilian population that is left without weapon to defend itself.

    Now, accept the fact that Meles Zenawi and his TPLF supportive leaders have harmed Tygrei more than even Mengistu Hailemariam in the Seventeen years of h is rule. Meles and his supporters destroyed al most all members of the TPLF with learning and leadership potential and left TPLF barren . W e can see now the living proof in the fact how such a powerful organization collapsed on its own and allowed third rate young Oromos from OPDO to push it aside. If you scream all day long, you will not be able to pull in a single well educated and well experienced possible leader from the current leadership of TPLF Tygrei. By contrast the Oromos can call up thousands very highly qualified Oromos to leadership. Who did that to Tygrei? Not Amharas, nor Oromos, nor Somalis. Then Who?

    The age - old wisdom expressed in the Amharic language tells us the time tasted truth that once there is a serious crack in a glassware, no amount of mending can restore it to its original use. By analogy, if there is a serious breach of trust in a tightly held organization, that organization will not survive in its o riginal form. ብርሌ ከነቃ፣ አይሆንም ዕቃ። Abiy Ahmed had already made serious errors that cannot be corrected easily by his being in office . He must be removed from office , and we must start all over from square one in choosing a new leadership from TPLF. Period .

    The first order of business is getting rid of the terrorist groups and their lead ers that Abiy Ahmed had inv i ted into our holy Ethiopia . Clean slate for birthing political organizations must be made up of indigenous Ethiopians who are their own masters and not surrogates for aged scholars and ambitious octogenarian Ethiopians in exile. Now , the TPLF must call an emergency meeting of a special Conference of the Members of the EPRDF to be held in Mekele, not Addis Abeba. TPLF leaders must not accept any meeting in Addis Abeba , for the place is not properly secured . Let us start working on those two concrete suggestions. Something Wonderful Coming Your Way, Ethiopia.

    Tecola W Hagos ( 7 August 2018)

    NB: Next Article will focus on the role of the Ethiopian Military and Security Forces during this volatile period in Ethiopia.

    Read more ›

    Redress and Accountability Needed for Crimes

    The government of Ethiopia should commit to an in-depth, independent fact-finding mission into many years of rights abuses and violations of the laws of war in eastern Ethiopia’s Somali region, Human Rights Watch said today. This should include specific investigations into the responsibility of senior Somali region officials, including the former regional president, Abdi Mohamoud Omar, and the current head of the region’s paramilitary Liyu police force, Abdirahman Abdillahi Burale.

    On August 6, 2018, after the Somali region’s notorious Liyu police and a youth group loyal to Abdi Mohamoud Omar (known as “Abdi Illey”) attacked residents and burned property, in Jigjiga, Abdi Illey resigned.

    “To break with the past, Ethiopia’s government needs to ensure justice for more than a decade of horrific abuses in the Somali region,” said Maria Burnett, East and Horn of Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s reform agenda should include that those responsible for serious human rights violations, however powerful, no longer avoid justice.”

    The Somali region, a strategically important border area between Somalia and Ethiopia, has been the site of over a decade of widespread abuses against civilians, both by the Ethiopian army and by the Liyu police force. Scrutiny of developments in the region has been severely limited since 2007. Access for journalists, aid organizations, human rights groups, and other independent monitors is restricted.

    The abuses have been particularly egregious since 2007, when armed conflict between the insurgent Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) and Ethiopia’s Defense Force escalated. Ethiopian authorities created the Liyu (“special” in Amharic) police, which by 2008 had become a prominent counterinsurgency force reporting to Abdi Illey, the regional security chief at that time, who went on to serve as the regional president for eight years.

    In a 2008 report, Human Rights Watch found that Ethiopian security forces and the insurgent group had committed war crimes between mid-2007 and early 2008, and that the Ethiopian armed forces were responsible for crimes against humanity based on the patterns of executions, torture, rape, and forced displacement documented. Human Rights Watch found that Ethiopian troops forcibly displaced entire rural communities, destroyed and burned dozens of villages, and summarily executed more than 150 people, some publicly to terrorize the local community. Security forces also unlawfully detained hundreds of civilians, many of whom were tortured, beaten, raped, or otherwise sexually abused.

    Human Rights Watch has repeatedly pressed for an independent investigation into the crimes committed in this period. In 2008, Ethiopia’s Foreign Affairs Ministry initiated an inquiry in response to the Human Rights Watch report, but that exercise lacked both credibility and independence and primarily whitewashed the truth about the government’s role.

    A new investigation is needed and should look into the roles and responsibilities of Ethiopian military personnel who ordered or participated in attacks on civilians at the height of the conflict, Human Rights Watch said. In addition, senior military and civilian officials who knew or should have known of such crimes but took no action may be criminally liable as a matter of command responsibility.

    While the military has in recent years taken a less active role in the region, the Liyu Police force, under Abdi Illey’s control, has pursued an abusive counter-insurgency campaign against suspected ONLF sympathizers. The force has over the last decade frequently been implicated in extrajudicial killings, torture, rape, and violence against people in the Somali region, as well as in retaliatory attacks against local communities. There is also evidence of attacks and violent clashes by the group against communities outside of the Somali region, including in the Oromia region since late December 2016, which resulted in hundreds dead and significant displacement, and in neighboring Somalia.

    In a July 2018 report, Human Rights Watch documented brutal torture of prisoners in the region’s central prison – known as Jail Ogaden – which is largely controlled by the Liyu police. Former prisoners described unending abuse and torture, with no access to adequate medical care, family, lawyers, or even, at times, food. Officials credibly implicated in serious violations against prisoners, regardless of rank, should be investigated and those responsible should face criminal charges, Human Rights Watch said. This should include specific investigations into senior Somali region officials such as Abdi Illey and Abdirahman Abdillahi Burale, also known as Abdirahman Labagole.

    Under international law, Ethiopia has an obligation to investigate and prosecute those responsible for war crimes, including members of its armed forces. Anyone responsible for crimes against humanity or other serious violations of human rights should not be granted amnesty.

    The government has also carried out reprisals against those speaking out about abuses in the region. In 2016, in one example, the Ethiopian government arrested and detained dozens of relatives of Ethiopians who participated in a Melbourne, Australia protest and held some for months as punishment. 

    An in-depth, independent fact-finding mission into rights abuses and violations of the laws of war in eastern Ethiopia’s Somali region would be an important part of Abiy’s ongoing reform agenda, Human Rights Watch said. Ethiopia’s international partners, looking to support the many ongoing reforms, should offer technical assistance to such an effort. To help ensure its credibility, the investigation should publish detailed findings and draw on international expertise.

    “The federal government should not sweep abuses of such a scale and nature under the carpet in the name of political expediency,” Burnett said. “Now is the time for the federal government’s long involvement and complicity in widespread abuses in the Somali region to end and for accountability to begin.”

    Read more ›


    የአማራው ትግልና ግንቦቴዎቹ

    (ከጋሻው ቀለሙ)

    የፖለቲካ ሙቀት መለኪያ መሳሪያ ቢኖር አንዱ ሌላዉን የሚበልጥበትን ለማወቅ መለካት ያስችለን ነበር። በ ኢትዮጵያ ያሉት ድርጅቶችና ፖለቲከኞች ግን መመዘኛ ሚዛኑን እንኳን ከጥቅም ዉጭ ያደረጉ ናቸው ቢባል አያስገርምም። አንዳ ንዶቹ እንዲያዉም ተነቃባችሁ ሲባሉ ማፈሩ ቀርቶ የበለጠ ለማታለልና ሁልጊዜ ሕዝብን ለማሞኜት፤ ዘዴያቸዉን እየቀያየሩ ምላሳቸዉን አሹለውና ሆዳቸዉን በእጃቸው ጨብጠው የህዝብን ጥቅም ሳይሆን የእራሳቸዉን ኪስ ለመሙላት የተሰለፉ መሆናቸው ን ከቀን ቀን አያሳዩን ነው። አሁን የኢትዮጵያ ፖለቲካ እየሰከነና የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብም እፎይ ለማለት ሲጀምር ደግሞ እነዚህ የዘመኑ የሆድ ቅጥረኞችና አቀንቃኞች ተመልሰው ብቅ ብለው እንጠቀምባችሁ ማለታቸዉን አላቆሙም። እስኪ ከብዙዎቹ ዉስጥ በግልጽ ቁጭ በሉና ላ ሞኛችሁ የሚሉንን እንመልከት። ዛሬ የማተኩረው ግንቦት 7 በሚል ስም የተሰባሰቡትን በዶክተር ብርሃኑ የሚመራዉን ድርጅት ነ ኝ ባይ በሚሰራው ላይ ይሆናል። የዚህ ቡድን አመራሮች በኢትዮጵያውያን ትግል ላይ ስራየ ብለው ሲሞቅ በረዶ እየጨመሩ የሚያ ካሂዱት ፖለቲካ በእዉነት እነዚህ ሰዎች ጤና አላቸው? ያሰኛል። መዥገር የከብቱ ጭራ ወይም አፉ ከማይደርስበት የሰዉነቱ ክፍል ከተጣበ ቀ የከብቱን ደም እየመጠጠ ይዎፍራል እንጅ መልቀቂያ የለዉም። በእኔ አመለካከት ግንቦት 7 የሚባለዉም እንደዚሁ ሆኖብኛል። የዶ/ር ብርሃኑን ነገር አዉርቸ አልጨርሰዉም፤ በእርሱ የሚመሩትና አብረው አመራር ነን የሚሉት ስራቸዉን ለማያዉቅ ሰው ለተወሰነ ጊ ዜ አታለሉ እንጅ ለእንደኔ አይነቱ የእነርሱን ነገር ከመጀመሪያው ጀምሮ ለተከታተለ ሁሉ በኢትዮጵያና ሕዝቦቿ ላይ የሚሰሩትን አሻጥር ለማዎቅ ጊዜ አልፈጀብንም። ሕዝብ እንዳይታለል በተቻለ መጠን ባለፉት መጣጥፎቻችን ብዙ ስንል ቆይተናል። ግንቦት 7 እንዴትስ ተቁ ቋመ? ለምን ተቁቋመ? ለማን ተቁቋመ? የሚሉትን ጥያቄዎች ወደ ኋላ ሂዶ ላጠናቸው ብቻ ነው ይህ ድርጅት ምን እ ንደሆነ የሚገለጽለት።

    በመጀመሪያ ስለ ግንቦቴዎቹ በጥቂቱ፤

    የዶ/ር ብርሃኑ የዉስጥ ለዉስጥ ስራ የጀመረው አሁን በዎያኔ ብቻ ሳይሆን ከዚያም ቀደም ብሎ ነበር። የሰዉየዉ ጸባይ ሲገለጽ ከመጣዉ አላፊ ባቡር ለመሳፈር ጊዜን የማይጠብቅ ሰው እንደሆነ ማንም የሚያዉቀው ጉዳይ ነው። ይህም ጸባዩ ወያኔን ለማጠናከር ሲል ብቻ ከዉጭ ሐገር ተቀጥረው ከገቡት አንዱና የመጀመሪያው አድርጎታል። ዎያኔ እንደገባና ስልጣኑ ን እንደተቆናጠጠ ድሃይቱ ሃገራችን በሌላት ገንዘቧ ከብክባ ያስተማረቻቸዉን እዉቅ ምሁራን ከአዲስ አበባ ዩኒቬርስቲ ስያባርሯቸው ዶ/ ር ብርሃኑ ነበር በሽሚያ ቦታቸዉን የተረከበው። በሌላ በኩልም አቶ አንዳርጋቸው ጽጌም ከወያኔ ጋር በመሆን የአዲስ አበባ አስተዳ ደር ዉስጥ ተሿሚ ሆኖ ያን የፈረደበትን ኢትዮጵያዊነት ብሎም አማራዉን ከወያኔ ጋር አብሮ እንደወረደ ሲወርፍ የነበር ሰው ነው። “አንድ ሰው ብሄሩን ሲጠየቅ ኢትዮጵያዊ ነኝ ለምን ይላል፤ ለምን ብሄሩን ከመታዎቂያዉ ላይ አይገልጽም" እያለ በተለይም አማራውን ከወያኔ በበለጠ ሲሰድብ ቆይቷል። ይህን ማዎቅ ለፈለገ “የአማራ ህዝብ ከየት ወደ የት” በሚል ርእስ በዎያኔ ሊወደስ የሞነጫ ጨረዉን ትርክት ፈልጎ ማንበብ ይችላል። ሌላው ቄስ ኤፍሬም ማዴቦ የሚባለው የግንቦት 7 አመራር ደግሞ በየቦታዉ እየሄደ አማራን ሲዘልፍና በስብሰባ ሲሳለቅ የኖረ ነው። ለአማራው የወያኔው ግድያና ዘለፋ አልበቃ ብሎት ይህም ሰዉ አማራዉን እንደ ጠላት “አማራን ልክ አስገብተነዋል ገናም እንዳይነሳ ነው የምናደርገው” ብሎ በየስብሰባው ትንሽ ሳይሰቀጥጠው ሲለፍፍ የኖረ ሰው ነው። ይህን በጥቂቱ ለመግለጽ ሲባል ነው እንጅ ሊሎችም እንደ ንአምን ዘለቀና አበበ ቦጋለ የሚባሉትም አብረው ሲሳደቡና አማራን ሲያንቋሽሹ የነበሩ ናቸው ።

    ኢትዮጵያ የሚል ድርጅትን የማፍረስ አባዜ፡

    የእነ ዶ/ር ብርሃኑ አመጣጥና አወጣጥ ከመጀመሪያዉም ድርጂትን በማፍረስ የተካነ ነው። ነገሩ ጓደኞችህ ን ብትንገረኝ ማንነትክን እነግርሃለሁ እንደተባለዉ አባባል ነው። ዶ/ር ብርሃኑ ከኢሕአፓ ጋር አባል በነበረበት ጊዜ በድርጂቱ ላይ አላስፈላጊ አሻጥር ሲሰራ ቆይቶ በኋላም እሸሻለሁ ሲል ተይዞ በኢሕአፓ እስር ቤት ዉስጥ ብዙ ጊዜ ታስሮ የተባረረ ጓዶቹን የከዳ ከሃዲ ለመሆኑ ብዙዎቹ በጊዜው የነበሩት ስለሚያዉቁት በዚሁ ልለፈው። ቀጥሎ ኢትዮጵያዉያን በነቂስ ወጥተው የመረጡትን ቅንጅት የአማራ ድርጅት ነው ብለው እንዴት እንዳፈረሱት በጥቂቱ ላስረዳ። በኢትዮጵያ ዉስጥ ከሚታዎቁት ድርጅቶች ዉስጥ ቀንደኛ ኢትዮጵያዊ ድርጅት መኢአድ ለመሆኑ አገር ያወቀው ጉዳይ ነበር። ከምርጫው በፊት ወያኔ ኢትዮጵያን ለማጥፋት ተልኮ የመጣ በ መሆኑና መኢአድም ኢትዮያዊነቱን አጉልቶ ስላቀነቀነ በወያኔ በኩል መጥፊያው የሚፈለግለት ድርጅት እንደነበር ሕዝቡ የሚያዉቀው ሐቅ ነው። እንኳን ወያኔ ፈረንጆቹም የኃይሉ ሻዎልን መኢአድ ከነመሪዉ ለመደምሰስ ተሰልፈው ነበር ቢባል ስህተት አይደለም። ሁሉም መኢአድ እንዳይቀጥል የፈለጉበት ምክንያት ግልጽ ነበር። ይኸዉም ምንም እንኳን መኢአድ ዉስጥ ያሉት ከሁሉም የኢትዮጵያ ክፍል የተወከሉ ቢሆንም ባል ዋለበት የአማራ ድርጅት ነው ተብሎ ስለተፈረደበት ብቻ ነበር። መኢአድን በዘዴ ለማጥፋት ሲፈለግ አለን ያሉት ዶ/ር ብርሃኑ ነጋና አንዳርጋቸው ጽጌ ከጥቂት ግብረ አበሮቻቸው ጋር ሆነው ነበር። መጀመሪያ ገብተን እናፍርሰው ከ ሚል አስተሳሰብ ተነስተው ከምንም የማይገባ አባል የሌለዉን ድርጅት ቀስተ ዳመና ብለው ፈጠሩ፤ ቀጥለዉም ከመኢአድ ጋር ግንባር ፈ ጠርን ብለው ገቡና ግንባሩም ቅንጀት ተባለ። ትልቁ የመኢአድ ስህተትም ከዚህ ላይ ነበር። ከዚያም ያዉ ሌሊት ሌሊት ከነበረከት ስ ምኦን ጋር እይተሞዳሞዱና ቀን የሚሰራዉን ነገር ሁሉ ለወያኔ እያስረከቡ ቆይተው ቅንጅትን አፈረሱ። እንግዲህ እኔ አንባቢን ላለ ማሰልቸት አለፍ አለፍ አያልኩ እንደምገልጽ ይታይልኝ። በተለይም ቅንጅትን በማፍረስ የተቀናባበረዉን የወያኔና የስርጎ ገቦቹን የነብ ርሃኑ ነጋን ነገር የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ በሙሉ የተመለከተው መሰለኝ። ሆኖም ግን ቅንብሩ እንዴት እንደሆነ እስከ አሁን ድረስ ያልገባቸው የዋህ ኢትዮጵያዉያን እንዳሉ ልብ እላለሁ። ቅንጅትን ያፈረሱት ኢትዮጵያ ዉስጥ ብቻ የሚመስላቸው ብዙዎች ናቸው። እኔ ግን እንደተከታተል ኩት ያፈረሱት ብርሃኑ ነጋ፤ መስፍን ወልደማርያምና ልደቱ ከዉስጥ፤ አንዳርጋችው ጽጌና እነ ኤፍሬም ማዴቦ ደግሞ በዉጭ ሃገር ሆነው ነበር። ይህን ሁሉ ደግሞ በገንዘብና በቁሳቁስ እየረዱ እንዲፈጽሙ የሚያደርጓቸው ወያኔና ዉስጥ ለዉስጥ የሚሰሩ የኢትዮጵያን ሰላም የማይፈልጉ የዉጭ መንግስታትም ነበሩ። ይህን ለታሪክ እንተወዉና የዚህ ሁሉ ዒላማ የነበረው ግን ያው የፈረደበት ኢ ትዮጵያን ከደሙ ጋር የቀላቀለው አማራ ብቻ ነበር። ይህንንም በግልጽ ያየንበት ቅንጅትን እንዳፈረሱ የአሜሪካ መንግስት እንኳን ለነብርሃኑ ነ ጋ አዲስ አበባ ባለው የአሜሪካ ኤምባሲ በኩል አሜሪካ እንዲመጡ ቪዛ ሲያድል ኃይሉ ሻዎል እንዳይመጣ ቪዛ ተከልክሎ ነበር። የዚህን የኢትዮጵያን ሕዝብ መከፋፈል ትልቅ ቅንብር ብዙው ኢትዮጵያዊ ዉስጡን መርምሮ አልተመለከተዉም ማለት እችላለሁ። በአጭሩ ለማ ጠቃለል እንደሚታዎቀው አሻጥራቸዉም ተሳካላቸዉና ቅንጅትም ፈረሰ፤ የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ድምጽም ተበልቶ ልጆቹም ተገድለው ተጠናቀቀ።

    ትንሽ ቆይተው በፈረንጁ ሐገር ተጠልሎ የሚኖረውን ሐገር ወዳድ ሕዝብ በመከራ ለፍቶ ሰርቶ ያፈራትን ገንዘቡን ተረከቡት፤ ዘረፉት ማለቱ ይቀላል። ግንቦት 7 የሚባል ድርጅት አቁቋመናል “በስድስት ወር ነጻ ልናወጣህ ነውና የአርበኝነት 500 ዶላር አዋጣ” እያሉ እሾህ ከሌለበት ዛፍ እንደ ወጣ ፍሬ በሽሚያ ሸመጠጡት። እኛም ቀዝቀዝ በሉ እነዚህ ከወያኔ ጋር የሚሰሩ ጠላቶች ናቸዉ ብንል ማን ይስማን? ድምጻችን የቁራ ድምጽ ሆነ። ግን፤ ግን እዉነት አትጠፋምና እንኳን በስድስት ወር ነጻነት ሊያመጡ ይ ቅርና ለአመታት እየተቁለጨለጩ ተመላልሰው በሉ። ምክንያቱም ሰዎቹ አላማቸው ኢትዮጲያን ማዳን ሳይሆን የወያኔን እድሜ ለማስረዘም የተቀጠሩ ቅጥረኞች ስለሆኑ ነበር።

    የስልክ ወታደሮች፤ አየር በአየር ተዋጊዎችና የአስመራ አባ ሻዎል ጄኔራሎች

    በጎንደርና በጎጃም ገበሬው መነቃነቅ ሲጀምር በሌላ መንገድ ተዘጋጅተው “አማራዉ ከተነሳ” ነገር ተበላሸ ደሞዝ ከፋያችን ወያኔም አለቀላት ብለው አማራዉን እንዲዘናጋ የማስመሰያ ጦር ሰራዊት መሰረትን አሉ (ሰራዊታችዉን ያየ የለምና አሉ ማለት ይቀላል)። ከዚህ ላይ አንባቢያን እንዲረዱት የምፈልገዉና ብዙው ሰው ያልተረዳው ነገር ቢኖር፤ ግንቦት 7 ጦር ኖሮት አያ ዉቅም፤ ማንን ሊወጋ? ደሞዝ ከፋዩን ወያኔን? የማይሆን ነገር ስለነበር ተዋግቶም አያዉቅም። ታዲያ ጦር አለኝ እንዲል ያስገደደው ምን ነበር? ብሎ ለሚጠይቅ መልሱ ቀላል ነው። አሁንም ልድገመዉና የአማራ ገበሬዎች ጦር መሳሪያ አንስተው እየተዋጉ እንዳይቀጥሉ እኛ አለን፤ ለእኛ ተዉት ብሎ ለማዘናጋትና ተቃዉሞውን አለዝበው ለወያኔ ምቹ ሁኔታን በመፍጠር አማራዉን እንዲፈጅ ለማመቻቸት ብቻ ነው። በዚህም እራሳቸው ተጠቅመው ወያኔንም ጠቅመዋል። አሁንም እንደገና እነርሱ አስመራ ቢራ እየጠጡ አርበኞቻችን በጎንደ ር እየተዋጉ ነው እያሉ ከወያኔ ጋር እየተነጋገሩ የአማራዉን ወጣት እያሳፈሱ እስር ቤት አስጨመሩ፤ አስገረፉ፤ አስደበድቡ ና አስገደሉ። ያው ከላይ እንደገለጽኩት አንዳርጋቸው ጽጌ ከዉጭ፤ ዶ/ር ብርሃኑ ነጋ ከዉስጥ ሆነው ቅንጅትን ለማፍረስ ይሰሩ እ ንደበሩት አሻጥር ማለት ነው።

    በዚህኛው ዙር ግን ግንቦት 7 ከዉጭ(አስመራ) ወያኔ ከዉስጥ(አዲስ አበባ) ሆነዉ ነበር ድራማው የተካ ሄደው። ከዚያም አልፎ ነገሩ ሳይረዳቸው ድርጅት ያለ መስሏቸው ብዙ የአማራ ልጆች በመታለል ኤርትራ ከደረሱ በኋላ ግንቦት 7 የዉሸ ት ድርጅት መሆኑን ስላወቁ ብቻ በግንቦት 7 መሪወች ትእዛዝ ምስጢር እንዳያወጡ እየተባለ በኤርትራ ምድር በየመንገዱ ተረሽነዋል። ለዚህም ከግንቦት 7 ጋር ያበሩት የኤርትራን ተባባሪዎችም ጊዜው ሲደርስ የሚያስጠይቃቸው ይመስለኛል። ታሪክም መዝግቦት የሚቆይ እና የእ ነዚያ የአማራ ወጣቶች ደም ከንቱ ሆኖ የሚቀርም አይደለም። ቀጠሉና ከኢትዮጵያ አርበኞች ግንባር ጋር ግንባር ፈጠርን አሉን። የኢትዮጵያ አርበኞች ግንባር የተፈጠረው ቀደም ብሎ ግንቦቴዎቹ ከመፈጠራቸው በፊት ነው። ነፍሱን ይማረዉና ቅጣው እጅ ጉም እንደዚሁ የአርበኞችን ስም የያዘ ድርጂት አቋቁሞ ነበር። ኢትዮጵያ ከሚለው ጋር ጸብ ያላቸው እነግንቦት 7 ግን ይህንንም ማፍረ ስ ነበረባቸው። አስመራ የነበሩትን ጥቂት አርበኞች በግዳጅ ከሻቢያ ጋር ይዘው አርበኞች ግንቦት 7 መሰረትን ተባለና ወዲያዉኑ ኢ ትዮጵያ የሚለዉን ስም ፋቁ። ቀጥለዉም ጥቂት የአርበኞቹን አባሎችም ግማሹን ለሻእብያ ነግረው በማሳሰር፤ የቀሩትንም ጥለው እንዲዎጡ በ ማድረግ የኢትዮጵያ አርበኞች ግንባርን አፈረሱና አርበኞች ግንቦት 7 ነን ብለው ብቅ አሉ። ኢትዮጵያ ዉስጥ በትጥቅ ትግል የተሰማሩት የኢትዮጵያ አርበኞች ግንባርም በነገሩ በመገረም ግንቦት ሰባትን በመወረፍ ስማችን ቀሙን እኛም ግንቦት 7 ከሚባል ጋ ር ግንባር የለንም ለብቻችን ነው እያሉ በመግለጫቸው ደጋግመው ሲነግሩን ቆይተዋል። ሆኖም የኢሳት ባለቤት የሆነው ግንቦት 7 ግን ድርቅ በማለት የሌለዉን አርበኞች ግንቦት 7 እያለ እስካሁን ይዋሻል። ግንቦት 7 እና ሜዲያው ኢሳት በሬ ወለደ እያሉ ያልተ ሰራዉን ተሰራ፤ ያልፈጸሙትን ጀብድ ሰራነ እያሉ ወሬያቸዉን ሲቀጥሉ ዉሸት የሚያጋልጡትን ደግሞ አፈኑ። ዉርደታቸው ግን እየጨመ ረ እንጅ እየቀነሰ አልሄደም። ከዴምህትና ከኦነግም ጋር ግንባር ፈጠርን አሉን። ኢሳትም እንዳለ የብሄር አለቆቹን በተራ እያቀረበ አስተዋዎቀን ለአማራዎች ግን አንድም እድል አልሰጡም። ኢሳት የአማራው ድምጽ እንዳይሰማ ከሚያደርጉት ዋናው ተዋናኝ ነበር ማለት ይቻላል። የተገንጣይ መሪዎቹን በየተራ እያመጣ መርዝ ሲያስተፋብን በተመሳሳይ ጊዜ ግን ከሰባ ሽህ በላይ በነሽ ፈራው ሽጉጤ ትእዛዝ ተዘርፈዉና ተደብድበው የተባረሩትን አማሮች ለኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ ለማሳየት ተጠየፏቸው። ከብዙ ጩኸት በኋላ ነው ትንሽ ብ ቅ ያደረጓቸው። ቆይተዉም ከትግራይ አኩራፊዎችም ከኦነግም ጋር ግንባር ፈጠርን ባሉን ጥቂት ወራት ዉስጥ የትግሬዎች ሽፍታ ሞላ አስገዶም የስለላ ስራዉን ጨርሶ ወደ ኢትዮጵያ ገባ። የግንቦት 7 ጉድ በዚህም ሳያበቃ ቆይቶ ኦነግም ደህና ሁኑ ሳይ ላቸው ኢትዮጵያ ገብቷል።

    እነርሱ  ግን በአማራና በኢትዮጵያዊነት ያላቸዉን አመለካከት ለመቀየር ፍንክች አላሉም። የእንጀራ ነገር ስለሆነባቸው ጠላታቸውም አማራ ሆኖ ገንዘብም የሚሰበስቡት አሻጥሩን ካልተረዱት ከአማራው ልጆች ነበር። ከዚህ ላይ እኔ ኢሳት ዉስጥ ከሚሰሩት ጋዜጠ ኞች ጋር ጸብ የለኝም፤ የሚሰሩት ተቀጥረው ነው የሚከፍላቸዉ ከግብጽም ያምጣው ከኤርትራ ያው ግንቦት 7 የሚባለው ጉ ድ ነው። ስለዚህም የእንጀራ ነገር ስለሆነ የሰሩትን እየሰሩ ነው። ቢሆንም እንዲያው ለተመልካች እንኳን አማራዎችን ደብ ለቅ በማድረግ ብሶታቸዉን ሕዝብ እንዲሰማው ማድረግ ይጠበቅባቸው ነበር። ግን አላደረጉትም። አንድ ጊዜ አቶ ተክሌ የሻዉን ለማሟያ ቢያቀርቡትም የአማራ ተቆርቋሪነቱ ስለጠነከረባቸው ከእርሱ ወዲያ እርም ነው ያሉ መሰለኝ የአማራና የኢሳት ነገር በዚህ ተጥናቀቀ እንበልና እንተወው።

    በሌላው በኩል ግን ቀጠሉ ግንቦት 7 ጀብድ ሰራ፤ በዚህ ገደለ በዚህ ገባ፤ወጣ እያሉ ህዝ ቡን አደናገሩት። የጎንደር ገበሬዎች ከወያኔ ጋር ገጥመው ጥይት ሲተኩሱ፤ እኛ ነን የተኮስነው ማለት ጀመሩ። እንዲያዉም አንድ ጊዜ አንድ ሻለቃ ጦር መጥቶ ተ ቀላቀለን ብለው ከወያኔ የተላከላቸዉን የወታደሮች ፎቶ በቴሌቪዥን አሳዩን፤ እኛም ይሁን እናያለን ብለን ጠበቅን። እ ነርሱም የስልክ ወታደር ገንዘብ እየከፈሉ ቀጠሩ። የስልክ ወታደር የማያዉቅ ካለ ነገሩ እንዲህ ነዉ። ግንቦት 7 በየከተማው በተለይም ጎንደርና ጎጃም ዉስጥ ባሉ ቦታዎች ገንዘብ እየከፈላቸው ስልክ የሚደዉሉ ሰራተኞች ናቸው። እነዚህ ስልክ ደዋዮች፤ ገበሬዎቹ ከወያኔ ጋር በገጠሙ ቀን ወሬ ፈልገው ለግንቦት 7 ወይም ለኢሳት ደዉለው እንዲህ አደረግን የሚሉ ናቸው። አንዳንድ የሚያስቁ ገጠመኞችም ነበሩ፡ እነዚህ የግንቦት 7 ስልክ ደዋዮቹ አንዳንዴ ስራ ከምንፈታ እያሉ ነው መሰል (እንጀራ አይደል) ከጎንደር ከተማ አስር ኪሎ ሜትር ከማይርቅ ቦታ በወያኔ ወታደር ላይ ግንቦት 7 ጥቃት አደረሰ እያሉ ሲዋሹ፤ ኢሳትም ያን ዉሸት እየተቀበለ ሲያነበንብ፤ የአካባ ቢው ሕዝብ ካዳመጠ በኋላ ነገሩን ማገናዘብ ጀመረ። ነገሩ እየተበላሸ የሄደው ጥቃት ካልደረሰበት ግን ጥቃት ደርሷል እየተባለ ከሚወራለት ቦታ አካባቢ ያለው ሕዝብ በመደናገሩ ግንቦት 7 ለመሆኑ ማነው? ለምንድን ነው ይህን ያህል ዉሸት እየዋሸ እኛን የሚ ያታልለን ማለት የጀመረ ጊዜ ነው(አሁንስ አሻጥሩ የተጠማዘዘ ስለሆነ ለመግለጽም ተቸገርኩ)። የግንቦቴዎቹ ነገር “የማይነጋ መስሎሽ....” ሆነና ለሕዝቡ እየተገለጸለት መጣ። ጎንደር ከከተማዉ ደ መቀ ዘዉዱ የወያኔን አፋኝ ቡድን ለመከላከል ሲታኮስ ሕዝቡም ወጥቶ በንዴት ተቀላቀለውና እራሱን መከላከል ሲጀምር አንድ ትልቅ ጥያቄ ተነሳ። ይህ ጥያቄ ተድበስብሶ ወይም ተመካኝቶ የሚያልፍ አልነበረም። ግንቦት 7 የት አለ? ተባለ። ግንቦት 7 ወሬዉም ድራሹም ጠ ፋ። ይህ ሲሆን ከድሮዉም አለመኖሩን የምናዉቀው መጋለጡ ደስ ሲለን፤ ያልጠበቁት ዉሸት ከፊታቸው የተደቀነባቸው ጎንደሬዎች ግን ተናደዱ፤ ግንቦት 7 ማን እንደሆነም አዎቁ። የኢሳት ጋዜጠኞች እስኪያፍሩ ድረስ፤ ግንቦት 7 የት ነው ያለው? እየተባሉ በ ጎንደሬዎች ጥያቄ ተዋከቡ። ምኑን ይመልሱት፤ ዶ/ር ብርሃኑም ዝም፤ ነአምን ዘለቀም ዝም፤ ሁሉም ዝም፤ የሌለዉን ከየት ይ ምጣ? ቄሱም፤ መጽሃፉም ዝም ሆኑና አረፉት። ከዚያ ተማከሩ መሰለኝ በሁለተኛው ሳምንት በቴሌቪዥን መስኮት ዶ/ር ብርሃኑ ነጋ ብቅ ብሎ "ይህ የእኛ ትግል አይደለም የሕዝቡ ትግል ነዉ" ብሎ እቅጩን ነግሮን መልሶ ተሰወረ።

    ይህን ስንሰማ የግንቦት 7ን ሸፍጥ ለምናዉቀው የነገረን ትክክል ስለሆነ አላስደነቀንም። ድሮም ይሁን አሁንም የሕዝብ ትግል እንጅ ግንቦት 7 የሚባል አጭበርባሪ ቡድን ምንም የማ ያደርግ አስመሳይ አዘናጊ ቡድን መሆኑን ሕዝቡ አረጋገጠ። ጎንደሮችም ሆኑ በጠቅላላ አማራዎች ያችን እለት ነበር ብቻ ቸዉን የጀመሩትን መጨርስ እንዳለባቸው የተረዳቸዉ። በዚያች የሃምሌ ወር የጎንደሮች መነሳት ለወያኔም ሆነ ለግንቦት 7 ወደ መቃ ብራቸው እንዲሄዱ መንገድ የተጠረገበት ቀን ነበር ብለን በሙሉ እምነት መናገር ችለናል።

    በቅርቡ ደግሞ ወልዲያ ላይ የትግ ሬ ወያኔዎች የጥምቀት በዓል በሚያከብሩ አማራዎች ላይ ታቦት እስኪወድቅ ድረስ ጥይት እያርከፈከፉ ከህፃን እስክ ሽማግሌ ሲ ጨፈጭፉ፤ ሌላዉም ድርጊቱን ሲያዎግዝ ነዉር የማያዉቀው ግንቦት 7 ያወጣው መግለጫ ግን ምንም ያልሆኑትን ትግሬዎች ተበደሉ ብሎ ነ በር። ከዚህ በላይ የአማራ ጥላቻ ይኖር ይሆን? ለአማራ ጠላትነት ግንቦት 7 ከወያኔ የበለጠ እንጅ ያነሰ አይደለም። አማራዉን ማግለልና በስሙ መነገድ የግንቦት 7 ዋና መመሪያዉ ነው።

    ግንቦት 7 ዉስጥ አማራ የሚባል የአመራር አባል የለም። ከእኛ በላይ ወገኑን አዋቂ ሊመጣ ስለማይችል፤ አለ ካለ ይንገረንና ማን እንደሆነ እንነግረዋለን። እንዲያዉም በፕሮግራሙ አስፍሮታል “ሁለት ቋንቋ የማይናገር ከአመራር መግባት አይችልም” ብሎ አስቀምጧል። ይህ ማለት ምን ማለት ነው? የጠራ አማራ የግንቦት 7 አመራር መሆን አይፈቀድለትም ማለት ነው ። ግን ወታደር ሆኖ እነ ብርሃኑንና አንዳርጋቸዉን ከስልጣን በደሙ ከፍሎ እንዲያደርስ ይፈቀድለታል ማለት ነው። ተግባባን! ግንቦት 7 ሊሰራ የሚፈልገዉም፤ የሚያስበዉም፤ የሚያልመዉም ጸረ አማራ አፈጣጠር ካላቸው ድርጅቶች ጋር ብቻ ነው። የተፈጠረዉም ለዚሁ አላማ እንደሆነ ከላይ የዘረዘርኳቸው በቂ ምስክሮች ናቸው።

    ግንቦቴዎቹ የሚመሩት ጥርቅሞች ከአማራ ህብረተሰብ አንዳቸዉም ያልተፈጠሩ ያለጦር ሰራዊት ጦር ሜዳ ዉለናል የሚሉ፤ አየር በአየር በምላሳቸዉ ብቻ የሚዋጉና አስመራ አባ ሻዎል ዉስጥ የኖሩ የቡና ቤት ጀ ኔራሎች ናቸው። ይህ የማይረዳው አማራ ካለ ጭንቅላቱን መመርመር ያስፈልገዋል። አሁን ደግሞ ጦር የሌለው ባለጦሩ ግንቦት 7 ትግል ላይ ያልነበሩትን ታጋዮቹን በክብር ሸኝቻለሁ ካለን በኋላ በዘረፈው ገንዘብ አዲስ አበባ ላይ ልገባ ነኝና ደ ግሱልኝ በማለት ቀጥሮ እያስደገሰ ነው። እነዚያ ትንታግ ወጣት ፋኖዎች ካሉበት ጎንደርና ባህርዳር እንኳን ግንቦት 7 ትርው የሚል አይመስለኝም። ለ ሁሉም የአማራ ልጆች የሆናችሁ ሁሉ ከእነዚህ አጭበርባሪ ቡድኖች ግብዣ ብትገኙ በግፍ የተገደሉትን የወንድም እህቶቻችሁን ስጋና ደም እንደበላችሁ ይቆጠራል።

    ኢትዮጵያ ሐገራችን ለዘላለም ትኑር

    ጋሻው ቀለሙ

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    No compromise, through hell or high water!

    ጌታቸው ረዳ (Ethiopian Semay)

    The present idiots in power are bringing OLF & ONLF from Asmara publicly telling you that secession is allowed if the public allows it through democratic vote. My question to you is h ow far wil l you c ompromise to the s ecessionist agenda in the name of Democracy?

    You want me to define what is democracy? You may not like my definition to democracy, but I will latter below. What is democracy? We will see it below. What is compromise? We will exami ne that too in detail. We will deal with these t wo important titles to talk here. I beg you to finish this article - it is a provoking thoughts to all of you that no one yet brought up this way. I am hoping some mediocre opposition leaders and citizens will get some idea from this commentary and change their pat hetic MEDEMER political myth .

    Ignoring the generation of the AESM / EPRP/TPLF/EPLF/OLF / toxic accou nt s aside about Haileselassie’s Ethiopia ; genuine Ethiopians who born during the Haileselassie era will definitely tell you that Ethiopia was a spectacle flourishing flower of Africa until the mentioned toxic groups herded & brainwashed by the ideology of KGB, CIA & Arabs stampede through quiet & peaceful neighborhood like violent herd of cows trampling, & ripping the flourishing life of the country to the point where we are now facing even worst lunatic gangs threatening to even destroy whatever is left .

    The last lunatic group who was terrifying the life of the Ethiopian people is TPLF (still 50 - 50 in power dying or staying). Presently Oromo populist elites are shaping a new system in order to make a bridge for another lunatic group namely OLF and ONLF to take over power in order to destroy whatever is left for them from the previous leftover destruction .

    Ethiopia will disappear unless concerned citizens fight back against all odds , including all the populist Eskender Negga , and the rest of his groups w ho are running for democracy, I can tell you with full certainty Eskender and his groups will not challenge the secession ists to be ridiculed or banned their secessionist agenda legally in any of the political debates or in the coming new constitution. L oose democracy is their motto since they came out from prison.

    T he democracy Abey and the rest of the lunatics want you to approve for them is “any lunatic criminal who was raping women hiding from the law is now allowed to come out publicly to demand as his right to rape a country as the Italians did or to rape a ny women of his wish as long as he is playing in the circuses of public debate called democracy .

    If majority say ‘let him rape animal or human ”, then he will, because the majority says so. Lunatics will ask you back - no one will allow rapist to vote for him. But, is rape only for sexual rape? Have any one of you read a small book called “The rape of Ethiopia?” You will see there what rape is meant. It is inevitable phenomenon any human s ociety will slowly do the unthinkable after gradual introduction to the anything unthinkable.

    Have you ever thought you will see a gruesome public crime in Shasshmene in Ethiopia in any territory similar to the Afghanistan or Libyan criminal gangs to be committed in Ethiopia in pub lic ? No, but slowly the subversion was working its way for the last 27 years by lunatic politicians, using politics to do crime. Th erefore unless strange demands restricted by law on time - they will be taken as a norm in the mind of the public. To start, b and them or not lunatic politicians will not disappear from the life of the Ethiopians any ways . If so, w hy not then band them and give them hell as their wish?

    As we are now told, if the agenda of the lunatic OLF/ONLF demand s ar e legally allowed for referendum by their respected community through so called democracy ( A favorite tool of evil politicians used mainly to hypnotize the mind of ignorant voter s to in salve them voluntarily), t hen the rape of Ethiopia will be inevitable . Democracy is a smart tool given by Europeans to Ethiopian poli ticians starting 1991 (Euro year ) to allow Ethiopia be raped by different gangs.

    I am not talking myth here. It is true. I am dismissing democracy after I saw over and over those elites no mat ter how sweet they talk; at the end they ended cannibalizing the mind and life of citizens through this untouchable mystery tool called ‘democracy’.

    Even Abey Ahmed who claimed as democrat, in fact claimed he is not a boss , but , a servant of the public is now signing a very sensitive sovereign agenda s such as ports, borders and so on without consulting his boss (The Ethiopian people!!!! ).

    You all remember, After Haileselassie’ s removal from power, all these groups came to the field of politics claimed the y all are defendant of democracy. All these leftists and even those Islamo fascist elements like that of the Qero leader ‘ Jawar Mohammed ’ will also tell you democracy means majority rule. When asked who are the majority? They will tell you ‘the people”. Interestingly enough the majo rity being the ruler, is the majority poor (the working people). The popular Plato was a committed anti democracy. Not only Plato, but even Aristotle. One may ask why ? Aristotle’s definition said ‘democracy is a constitution in which the poor and the free courtesy of being the majority controlled the government”. It is interesting when you really deeply examine at the definition how political scientists define this tone of Aristotle . It is clear that t he system of governance in which power lies with the poo r who happened to be the majority .

    Now, will the poor and ignorant citizens in Ethiopia really rule power where hateful and criminal elements already hijacked their mind for too long ? Like or not, a t the end of the day in Ethiopia , no matter how flower - is h and beautiful speech democracy is defined, two things will happen (1) the majority/mob/ will rule on the minorities’ life ------ or else (2) - the elite will cannibalize the majority working poor’s power where individual elite/s becomes the rulers of power. We have seen this over and over in Ethiopia.

    The question is Will the myth what is called democracy save our fragile flower from trampled by human herds ?

    The answer is “no”. Because, democracy never proved no country saved by it or destroyed by it. The Su danese, The Eritreans, the Somalis all are victims of democracy. They think they touched it, but, it melted away again from their fist and when that happens, their elites turned their society to a worst nightmare they never dreamed to be.

    As I said it over and over before - if democracy is going to work , peace and security of the citizens should be stable and secured before thinking about mob rule. C r iminals and hateful politicians are now getting more opportunity to do more harms than ever before. In one week di stance unknown number s, perhaps by thousands /millions deported from their own country, Villages & towns are vulnerable for criminal. Citizens property robed, married, un married and young virgin girls raped in broad daylight . B usinesses, properties destroyed, priests slaughtered and 11 churches burned down to ashes . This is in Ogaden of Kandahar o f Afghanistan . All this was carried no question by the secessionist ONLF and of course Abdi Ele’s Gestapo army . What drove them into this? Hate and pow er . These are Islamo Fascist groups who are let loose to do crime in the name of nation, nationality and people s which is indeed Fascist i deology. Once a person or group is poss e sse d by those two demons, y ou can’t treat these elemis through love.

    Let us be honest. Many of the Ethiopian politicians are unpunished criminal s, involved in an organi zed crime , such as ‘ethnic cleansing, slaughtering children and pregnant women’. Those are hard core criminals habitually using politics to co mmit crime. Many of the past or the present crimes are caused from the teaching of the same criminals who still are taken by Abey Ahmed government as genuine politicians.

    Given love or not , these habitual criminals will never be cured. Mark my wo rd. Crime and denying is mixed with their blood for many, many years (it is becoming p atholog i c behavior . It is morbid ). To those elements ‘politic in Ethiopia is their favorite tool to commit crime ’ . This is because; they have so many meddlers ( አለቅላቂ ) who protected them. There no strong commitment made to bring them to justice , because all the elements running the show/the system are partner in crime.

    I predicted one thing on my previous papers.

    Worst now is even than before. The young Oromo fanatic Isl am Jawar Mohammed who fears to admit or asked to apologize for his own multiple violent propaganda s , he declined to do so. To my surprise , he went to Ethiopia as freedom fighter!! As I predicted it before, if he or the OLF or any of those likes allowe d to come in Ethiopia, there will be systematic violence . And di d happen in a bizarre violence in Shashmenne , perpetrated by Oromo Qero fascist elements. Many Ethiopian Oromo analysts say it was an intense conflict between Jawar ’ s OLF / and the Jara ’ s O LF and the Qerro supporters of Daud Ibsa OLF Qerro segments (three Qerro segments) .

    This gruesome murder of torturing and hanging citizen’s body upside down on a standing poll in public in broad day light is happening during the anarchic Oromo administration lead by Abey Ahmmed and Lema Megersa. Will we see such crime again else where? Yes, as long as these lawless and hateful criminals’ ideology is allowed to roam around the nation freely, yes it is going to happen again and again regardless gaps in between.

    Anarchy is common now during the MEDEMER ideology of anarchists which Ab ey failed to secure the life of citizens properly . It is not new phenomenon to see where ever the so called Qerro , the young Oromo segments who developed hatred to Ethiopia with i ts national flag and national language “ Amharic ”. Without getting into the s t ory;. Look this photo and judge it to yourself if this gruesome act murder is happening in Ethiopia or Lybiya or Afghanistan?

    These young Oromo spectators are not even seen to be bother ed or frightened with such nauseating seen. This is because 47 ye ars work of OLF and which later Jawar added into the game of OLF activity actively in last 15 years which resulted Oromo youths becoming lynching mob . The mobs or the spectators did not feel what is going on around them, because, Jawar and OLF were teachin g the Oromo to evict Ethiopians from Oromo localities for many years, and t hat is the mentality now serving as a spring to commit such gruesome crime and comfortably stand around it as if a goat meat is hanging. They do not care if the victims are Oromo or another ethnic. Once one is out of their order or ideology that is enough for any mob to act that way. The Qero are lawless youth mobs who are well organized by OLF and Jawar (perhaps urged by local right wing conservative Oromo elders, or also by Lema an d Abey as insiders as well).

    Let me start asking you !

    Will you compromise your safety for the sake of democracy by allowing secessionist groups like OLF/ONLF who still told the anarchic government of Abey Ahmed openly, that they are not willing to drop their agenda of secession even they are willing to come in to Ethiopia as we speak ?

    The answer is “ yes ” there are many lunatic meddlers like the Semayawi party who declared openly that OLF/ONLF are not terrorists. Even though we see the evidence many time s supported by international and local documents in the past many years and also including the following recent Ogaden anarchic crime. Watch the slog an written on the wall that read ONLF and also Heego (Abdi’s Gestapo gangs) . Both A bdi’s Gestapo gangs and the ONLF thuggish members inside “JigJiga town’ fighting for turf already made the life innocent citizens unbearable . Shockingly still ONLF is in Addis legally called to continue its act of d estruction legally by Abey .

    Now, you have heard your hypnoti c leader Abey Ahmed told you that OLF and ONLF are allowed to continue demanding their cession from the ‘Empire/Colonialist Ethiopia”. Now, Their Ax is sharp and ready to chop more heads using the opportunity given by Abey Ahmed.

    My real challenge to you i s - w ill you compromise to this conspiracy? What is compromise mean?

    To compromise is to decrease your value, your quality. In this sense, if you compromise Ethiopia under any pressure, you are weakening its dignity, its ter ritory, pride and history of our people. What it means is, if you give up the nation’s quality that is the end of t he story! If you do compromise, it is not going to be the Ethiopia that our ancestors left for us which was sealed and stamped with their blood and bone.

    What I saw majority of the Ethiopian elites, particularly the opposition political leaders (most of them) have been lowering the value of the nation like a commodity for sale in the name of rights or in the name of democracy . In the last 26 years of Tigrayan and Oromo hegemon y against Ethiopia sovere ignty was clearly a conduct of a naked aggression. What the strange thing makes this aggression to effectively apply its plan was because the nation was compromised by inconsiderate collaborators (meddlers). The opposition is what I am talking about. They never strongly oppose such conspiracy. Compromising was their wo rd of agenda in the mouth of many of the oppositions.

    The more the opposition inside or the opposition outside Ethiopia compromise with these thugs; the thugs demanded more and more and more concession. That is why Jawar, OLF,ONLF & EPLF are now in Ethiopia to demand for more concession. When we confronted the political leaders, and their followers and their media propagandists to stop compromising; they refused to heed our advice. Strangely they want to bow for it even further , because “for of that reason, or for this reason, or for unguaranteed compromise of ‘Give and Take’ negotiation” , they compromise . By doing so, they discredit their pride; they discredit and disho nor the nation by risking a value in a way it reduces it.

    Many Ethiopian elites, be it they are in politics or by standards, they all bend or give - in to the pressure. Ethiopia currently needs not some mediocre politicians who compromise with different sort s of enemies, but leaders and citizens who can resist “pressure”. I have been saying all along do not give in to it! Do not give in to the pressure, don’t compromise. Because, the more you compromise, the more you tolerate . That means you will always allow any harm that comes from enemy as accepted norm. You will start to say things that you never say before, so you can tolerate them. This is exactly what we are hearing in the opposition media like ESAT and other commentators and journalists all over using names of place/cities/towns/universities created by Ethiopia’s enemies.

    Adama / Finfine / Haromaya / Biher ... on and on... They claimed “it is okay, no big deal, we are families, we are all Ethiopian, and we can talk or deal about those names when Weyane is gone... ”. This how the opposition give - in to the propaganda pressure from the thuggish group and misguided the youngsters to use them for the rest of their life. Now, Weyane is gone (by Jawrs theory) still the OLF flag is even hoisted more than ever in Addis Abab a and in Ethiopia legally. Where are you fools who were telling me that OLF/ONL... will drop their flag or we will talk about flags and names when Weyane is gone? Your cheap talks are even compromising to their agenda worst even than before in the name of ME DEMER?

    The reason you tolerate them, is not because of the reason mentioned above; you tolerate them because you are afraid to confront them. What you do not realize is every time we tolerate something, we are compromise our value system.

    This is how the opposition leaders, journalists, commentators, Internet, TV and radio media tolerate the crime and conspiracy of OLF/TPLF/EPLF/ONLF design in the name of tolerance ( መቻቻል ). When the media and such groups use or tolerate the terms/ vocabularies/ names/flags designed by enemies, it demonstrates they are in agreement with it.

    Scholars in such field will tell you, that the more you tolerate something, the greater chance of doing it yourself. That is why we see the Ethiopians opposition conferences seen decorate d by Ethiopian flag together with the OLF/EPLF/ONLF flags. Strangely also, the audiences do not seem to be bothered by it - because; they are tuned to tolerate such conspiracy by leaders who are willing to give - in to pressure. By doing so, the opposition br ought discredit to our flag, to the nation and to the God of Ethiopia who designed our flag. Even the patriotic Tedy Afro joined with the group who are willing to hoist the Shaabiay flag in Addis Ababa.

     The God of Ethiopia is calling you all for integrity to the flag and to the nation whom he protected her from various enemies!!!!!!!!! The God of Ethiopia in our religion might teach us to love the sinners, but we do not have to tolerate the sin. No compromise!!

    These elites of ours are defusing our concent ration, our quality by diluting enemies’ agenda into our business“. My mother used to run a popular Tela Bet business (our traditional beer) that was famous for its “concentration” quality (WEFRAM/GUSH). Many people loved it. They do not need to eat any br eakfast/even lunch once they had two or three Menlik/ ዋንጫ / of it. If she saw the servant adding too much water in to the barrel, she stands up and stops her from adding too much water into it. Her objection is , ‘even though we can make money by adding too much water to the process, we should not do it; even if the process required adding water, once it loses its concentration (strength), the quality that people respect will be gone”. That is what she my mother used to say.

    Yes, she is right. When you add water, it does what? It loses its concentration. That i s what happens when you compromise; you begin to lo ose your concentration. By losing your focus/ originality, you become a diluted Ethiopian!!!! You become weaken, you loosen your strength. It is hard to go through a storm when your strength is gone!!!!!! It is hard to fight against the enemy when you are weaken and diluted. It is hard to deal with national crisis when you loose your concentration. All this is because you compromised to the enemy!!!!!!

    The weakest groups in the political struggle in our opp osition organization regardless they promise you the Oromo or the Somali are nor for secession, that means these are meddlers who are ready to compromise your sovereignty in the name “Trust us OLF /ONLF have no place to be listen by their respected communi ty if demand secession ” . yOu can easily identify compromiser.

    You can tell by their mouth those who are soft talkers of democracy preachers and willing to compromise “principle” from those boldly adamant to refuse any compromise come hell or high water.

    Defeated group always defeated spirit . Because they give - in their Ethiopian principle due to th e pressure from those enemies. To show respect to the nihilists’ and enemies’ flags and their agenda is a sign of defeat!! We can see where OLF/ONLF and others w ere few years back an d where they are now. They were touring with those who claimed Ethiopia groups (unity force) and allowed to brainwash, insult and disrespect Amhara or Ethiopia in - front of Ethiopian audiences. Now, they are legally called by the anarch ic Abey inside Ethiopia hoisting their flag. Shockingly, t he Ethiopia n in the Diaspora or Ethiopians inside Ethiopia have now accepted the defeat. They are not in a state of judging what is right or wrong.

    This is because; our society is guided by defeate d leaders. Our society is lead by chameleons! They adapt and blended to the enemy’s environment with no shame, thinking they are playing politics/tricks. Every time these political Chameleons are around with different groups of nihilists, you will see them transformed into one of them.

    They speak the language of the enemy, they speak and exercise the conspiratorial terms framed by the enemies and they too use them. When you heard this with your own ears; to the extent, you will ask to yourself saying “Are t hese ours? Or theirs?” These are human chameleons. They acted like them, pleased every environment, they please enemies.

    Worst of all, our people gather around them in every conference. When you sit too long with enemies eventually, no matter how much you resist, I guaranty you, you too will preach and talk the same thing the enemy talks and do. That is exactly why you saw the first fellow who spoke to thank Jawar for standing in defense to the Amahara people in his visitation to Baherdar public gathering, stating as the following;

    “ አቶ ንጉሡ ሲሉን እንደነበረው እኔም ለዚች ዕለት መብቃት ህ ..አቶ ጃዋር እዚህ ደረስ በመምጣትህ አመሰግናለሁ። እነ አቶ ጃዋር ለረዢም ጊዜ በነበረው ስርዓት ለ27 አመታት በተለያየ ጊዜያት ስንገደል፤ስንጨቆን፤ስንሳደድ እንደ አውሬ፤በተለያዩ ቦታዎች ስንፈናቀል፤ይህን ሁሉ በደል ድምጽ ሆነኸን በተለያየ መልኩ ድምፅህን ስታሰማ ልናመሰግንህ አንፈልጋለን።” (አማራ ወጣ ት በባሕርዳር ከተናገረው አሳፋሪ ንግግር ያደመጥኩት ጥቅስ ጌታቸው ረዳ)

    You and I know that let alone Jawar to defend for Amhara victims for the last 27 years, Jawar was demanding Ethiopians be evicted out of Oromia. Who was the one evicted from Oromia? The Amhara. But, why did thi s fellow tend to thanks Jawar that way? Because as he clearly stated it at his starting speech “ አቶ ንጉሡ ሲሉን እንደነበረው ..” he defended his story on Negsu who is the meddler in between Jawar and the Amhara community who spoke and talk the same as the rest of th e liars like him who claimed Jawar was freedom fighter who stood for Amhara freedom and for all of us”. That is why I said, when you sit too long with enemies eventually, no matter how much you resist, I guaranty you, you too will preach and talk the same thing the enemy talks and do. At the end I like to say this; – When an Ethiopia forms a binding relationship with none Ethiopian believer, it weakens his/her commitment, weakens character and lowers his/her standards. I do not know about you - as far as me, I can’t afford to loose my patriotic concentration to allow myself to become a diluted Ethiopian. I have been going too much in my life to be weak right now at this point, so I decid ed, through hell or high water, “ I WILL NOT COMPROMISE!!!!!! ”. If you call yourself Ethiopian, you are going to have to bring - up yourself where I am. I am not saying, I am better than anybody else, but, I refused to lower myself by compromising my country that my father served, fought and die. The agenda and the conspiracy of dismemberment of Ethiopia by TPLF & OLF that we patiently observe for the last 26 years are national crime and sin. We don’t hate these sinners, but, we don’t have to tolerate their sin. No compromise, through hell or high water!

    Thanks ጌታቸው ረዳ ( Ethiopi an Semay)

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    Privatization preconditions, strategy and benefits for Ethiopia


    By Germain Kramo

    The Ethiopian government has made the decision to sell minority stakes to foreign and domestic investors in state monopolies such as Ethio Telecom, Ethiopian Airlines, and Ethiopian Shipping & Logistics Services Enterprise.

    This decision is to be welcomed because it will help to alleviate the public deficit and will especially modernize these companies and allow the private sector to boost strong and sustainable growth with more job creation. Nevertheless, how can we avoid the lackluster balance sheet of privatization in Africa since the 1990s?

    For a successful privatization, several conditions must be met. First, the decision to privatize must not be based solely on the will of the Prime Minister. It must involve all other institutions, both legislatively and judicially, so that all their actions contribute to the success of privatization.

    Better yet, the process of privatization must be inclusive and well-debated to prevent public perception of it as a sell-off of the national heritage to foreigners.

    It seems that in Ethiopia the government has not bothered to deploy this educational effort necessary to mobilize public opinion around this reform, which carries the risk of resistance or even sabotage.

    The improvement of the rule of law is another fundamental condition for the success of privatization. The consolidation of the rule of law (independent and efficient justice) is essential for the legal security of transactions. It promotes the improvement of the business environment and helps to attract investors. In this regard, efforts are needed in Ethiopia as the World Justice Project’s Rule of Law Index (2017-2018) shows that it is among the worst performers. With a score of 0.38 on a scale from 0 to 1, Ethiopia is ranked 107th out of 113 countries ranked in respect for the rule of law. It should not be forgotten that improving the protection of minority shareholders is also essential for successful privatization. Weak legal protection may discourage potential buyers. Statistics from the Doing Business 2018 report on the level of minority shareholder protection in case of conflict of interest indicate that Ethiopia has a score of 28.33 out of 100 and ranks 176 out of 190 countries ranked. The country must make efforts to better protect future buyers of minority holdings in public companies.

    It is important to guarantee the independence and efficiency of regulatory institutions.

    Transparency in public tenders is a requirement for the success of privatization. The lack of transparency is the doorway to any form of abuse including corruption. According to Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index, Ethiopia ranks 107 out of 180 countries ranked.

    The establishment of good governance and transparency is a prerequisite to avoid privatization being an opportunity to distribute privileges and favors to friends and allies. Without good governance and transparency, privatization will serve to replace public monopolies with private monopolies.

    Ethiopia is not ranked well (36th out of 53 countries), and worse, it is among the 22 countries that have slowed their pace of governance reforms. Thus, it declined in the second half of the decade.

    Successful privatization requires free competition. A 2015 study found that in the water and sanitation sector, the lack of fair competition between private companies and public enterprises was mentioned as one of the bottlenecks for private companies.

    Lack of price flexibility has created uncertainty over usufruct rights over goods and services produced by private companies. Privatization operations of major utilities (water, electricity) in sub-Saharan Africa, for example, have often been put in place while keeping some price control, which leads to a lack of incentive to invest. Therefore, it is illusory to hope for the development of a private sector because potential entrants would not have been sufficiently incentivized. In the absence of free competition, price liberalization policies could have the opposite effect to that expected. This could lead to a multiplication of social crises caused by steep price increases (mainly commodities) and to the exclusion of a large part of the population, often the most vulnerable.

    In this perspective, the success of privatizations in Ethiopia depends on creating a framework for open and healthy competition that forces companies (on pain of disappearing) to improve the quality of their products and pushes them to lower prices. It is, therefore, necessary to prevent and punish the creation of cartels or monopolies, as well as other restrictive business practices.

    All in all, the Ethiopian government has shown its willingness to divest minority stakes in some state-owned enterprises. The decision, which is to be welcomed, must nevertheless be accompanied by the fulfillment of certain preconditions for its success.

    Reforms that improve the rule of law, governance and a better business environment are essential to attract the best performers and not the bottom performers. In short, for privatizations to transform poorly managed and budgeted state-owned companies into efficient and competitive private enterprises, they must be part of a comprehensive institutional reform.

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    By Haile Tessema

    (Paraphrasing former Minnesota senator Al Franken’s bestselling book “Rush Limbaugh is a big fat liar”) 

    It will take a psychic of the highest caliber to know where Jawar politically stands and what his real end goal is. It’s to be recalled that Jawar first appeared in the public arena as a young “brilliant analyst” of Ethiopian politics, and soon became the darling of Ethiopian opposition and the media in the diaspora.

    Then, in the height of fame, came his infamous speech (caught on tape) that glamorized the slaughtering of non-Muslim minority Amhara Christians using ሜንጫ /machete/ which resulted in soured relations with the non-Oromo diaspora opposition. This incident paved the way for Jawar to become the political high priest / imam of Oromo uber alles.

    However, with the death of PM Meles Zenawi; a sense of jubilation among the diaspora opposition and a smell of EPRDF’s eventual vulnerability, Jawar began to cozy up to Ethiopianist opposition groups, and started to loudly sing from the hymn book of democracy, equality and federalism. As a result, he was welcomed back to the fold.

    Then, with the intention of catering to and attracting the support of the overall opposition diaspora, particularly Amhara, Jawar intensified his Nazi propogandist Joseph Gobbles’ type of misinformation not only against Woyane / TPLF, but also the people of Tigrai at large. Indeed, coming up with a Hagos vs. Tola political narrative, Jawar is one of the leading hatemongers to be credited with creating an image of Tigrai that is paved with gold and its people as manipulative economic oppressors.

    All these, to a certain degree, could be taken as part and parcel of a propaganda battle in a time of political war. Yet, what makes Jawar’s behavior dubious is, even in the aftermath of victory, he is having difficulty leaving Woyane and Tigraians alone.

    Fact is, as a student of political science, Jawar knows or ought to know that – similar to other African leaders – TPLFites had the option of holding onto power to the very end (with Mengistu’s notorious “አንድ ሰውና አንድ ጥይት እስኪቀር / until one man and one bullet remains kind of mindset).

    After all, the security apparatus, soldiers, firearms, tanks and airpower command were at their fingertips. Instead, TPLF leaders caved in to the voice of the people, and ultimately relinquished power. In a healthy and progressive society, this would count for something and, if not high praise, a simple recognition of the fact would be in order.

    Unfortunately, that is not the norm in the country’s backward culture of zero sum political game which Jawarism is proven to be part and parcel of. So, with a sense of victorious bravado and perhaps undying hate against Woyane and the people of Tigrai, Jawar preposterously claims to this very day that TPLF leaders were provided with a golden parachute for safe landing for which they should forever be indebted to the Jawar led movement called qeero.

    When he feels like it, Jawar brags how TPLF leaders are critically wounded, and confined to their elderly home or ICU in Mekelle. And then – when unfavorable incidents occur be it in Addis Ababa, Oromia or the Somali Region – he goes back to his old habit of accusing the same supposedly critically wounded TPLF leaders as authors and finishers of all chaos from the distance of their Mekelle home. Interestingly, no one holds him to account by asking him which is which.

    Further, consistent in his tying all kinds of conspiracy theories to Tegaru – as recently as last week, for instance – he came up with the story that a lady monk with an alleged plan to assassinate PM Abiy was apparently apprehended inside Bole airport.

    The problem with this picture is:

    a) Shouldn’t it be law enforcement’s job to reveal this to the public in the first place?

    b) How did the alleged monk make it through tight airport security (or is this another convenient strategy to plant doubt in the mind of the public so as to dismiss unwelcome airport security officers for their sheer ethnicity)?

    c) Well, wanted to ask how come the identity of the assassination suspect is not revealed, and when she is going to appear in court. But this is a dangerous territory as a drama could be orchestrated for a woman – who has never even stepped foot at the airport, yet perfectly fits the ethnic bill – to be falsely accused, imprisoned and put through the court process.

    Meanwhile, Jawar is keen to creating a new image of himself as a moderate self-proclaimed “political scientist” with a mission to end the political crisis and the ethnic strife in the country. To that effect, he has made a 360-degree turn to now recognize that Tegaru in general haven’t been special beneficiaries of the system in the last 27 years. The question is, is this a case of finally seeing the light or just another typical ploy.

    He also revealed his desire to serve as a mediator between the new kids on the federal political block and the TPLF leaders resigned to life in Tigrai. Yet – knowing his past, recent past and current flip-flopping – it’d be naïve bordering on political stupidity to take him at face value.

    To sum up, it’s really hard to say if Jawar is:

    a) An Islamic extremist hell-bent to play part in creating an Islamic state in Ethiopia;

    b) A political mercenary paid by countries like Egypt to cause havoc in Ethiopia;

    c) An Oromo separatist committed to building an independent Oromia;

    d) An egomaniac puppet master who enjoys controlling political actors and manipulating the public;

    e) A democrat who believes in the equality of people of all faiths and ethnic groups.

    Indeed, no one knows for sure. But one thing that can be said without any shadow of doubt is: Jawar is a big fat liar who would say just about anything; change his stand and story a zillion times as he sees fit in order to have things his way for whatever objective and end goal only he knows what. And those who don’t know what he stands for yet provide him an arena to play his political game and cheer for him could be in for a big surprise or the shock of their lives.


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    አለባቸው ደሳለኝ አበሻ (ለንደን)


     (ኢትዮጵያዊነት ሱስ ነው !!) በማለት የለውጡን ባቡር ከአብይ አህመድ ጋር የሚዘውረው 
      ለማ መገርሳ .......መጣ እያገሳ...!   - በሚል ዜማ አድናቂዎቻቸው ያቀነቅኑላቸዋል :: ሆኖም ግን 
    ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር አብይ አህመድ እና ለማ መገርሳን ጨምሮ የአንድነት አቀንቃኞቹ የልኡካን ቡድን  ሜኖሶታ  ኢትዮጵያውያኖቹ የተሰባሰቡበት እስቴድዮም  ሲገቡ  በህልም አለም የሚኖሩ የአንድነቱ እንደመር  ደወል ያልቀሰቀሳቸው ገና ከንእንቅልፋቸው ያልተነሱ ሰዎች አጋጥማዋቸው ነበር  :: የሚናገሩበትን ብሔራዊ የሐገሪቱን ቋንቋ እንዲቀይሩና በአፋን ኦሮሞ እንዲናገሩ ሲጠየቁ :: እሽ ቀጥየ በአፋን ኦሮሞ እናገረለሁ አሉ ::
     ብልህ እና አስተዋይ ፣ የረጅም ጉዞ የለውጥ አቀንቃኙ ኦቦ ለማ መገርሳ ግን  አንድ ሐሳብ በውስጣቸው ሲመላለስ ያዳመጡ ይመስላሉ :: የመነጋገሪያውን ሰገነት ላይ እንደቆሙ ቁልቁል ወደህዝቡ አስተዋሉ ::
    ትዝብታቸው ለኔ እንደገባኝ ከሆነ   የአንድ ሐገር ህዝብ በጋራ እንዲጎለብት ካስፈልገ የሁሉም ብሄር ብሄረሰቦች አንድ ላይ ሲዋሐዱ እና በአንድ ጥላ ስር መሰባሰብ የሚያስተሳስረን የጋራ ታሪካችን ኢትዮጵያዊ ሰንሰለት መሆኑን መረዳት እንዳለብን እንዲህ በማለት  አስገነዘቡን ::
    "አንድ ስንሆን ብቻ እናምራለን። በልዩነት አንድ ስንሆን ውበታችን ይደምቃል። መከፋፈል ውርደት እንጅ ክብር የለውም። በእውነት ሀገራችንን ለመለወጥ ከሆነ አንድነታችንን ማጠናከር አለብን። ኦሮሞነት ለኢትዮጵያ ስጋት ሳይሆን ውበት ነው፤ ኃይልና ጉልበት ነው። አማራነት ለኢትዮጵያ ስጋት ሳይሆን ውበት ነው፤ ኃይልና ጉልበት ነው። ሶማሌነት ለኢትዮጵያ ስጋት ሳይሆን ውበት ነው፤ ኃይልና ጉልበት ነው። ሌላውም እንዲሁ። እኛ ኢትዮጵያውያን የትም ብንሄድ ማንነታችን አይሰለብም። ይህ ነው የኢትዮጵያዊነት ሱስነት። የኢትዮጵያ የጥንካሬ ምንጭ አንድነት "አንድ ስንሆን ብቻ እናምራለን። በልዩነት አንድ ስንሆን ውበታችን ይደምቃል። መከፋፈል ውርደት እንጅ ክብር የለውም። በእውነት ሀገራችንን ለመለወጥ ከሆነ አንድነታችንን ማጠናከር አለብን። ።" ሲሉ ተደመጡ ::
    በእርግጥ  ለማ ትክክል ናቸው ለአንድ ሐገር መሰረት ቋንቋ ባህል ሐይማኖት ጂኦግራፊያዊ አቀማመጥ እና የጋራ ታሪክ አስፈላጊ ነው :: በኢትዮጵያ ታሪክ ውስጥ ምናልባት በብዙ መቶዎች የሚቆጠሩ የተለያዩ ብሔር ብሔረሰቦች ተቀላቅለው ተወራርሰውና ተዋህደው ስልጣኔ እና ታሪካቸውን ዛሬ ያለውን የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ምስል እንዲከሰት ምክኒያት ሆኖ ይሆናል :: 
    ብሔራዊ አላማ ሊኖረን ይገባል ከምንጏተተው ባንድራ ይልቅ የዳር ደንበራችን መከበር የህዝባችን መብት መጠበቁን የደህነታችን ጉዳይ እና የኢኮኖሚና የፓለቲካችን ጉዳይ እጅግ በጣም ያሳስበናል ::
    በሆነ ባልሆነው መጏተት አይኖርብንም :: ማንም የመንፈስ ስብራት እንዲደርስበት አንፈልግም :: ማንም ፎካሪ ሊሆን አይችልም :: አንዱ በአንዱ እሬሳ ላይ ቆሞ የሚፎክርበትን ከንቱ ዘመን በዋዛ ፈዛዛ  የሚባክን ስአት የለንም:: የጅምላ ጥላቻን የመሰለ እና ሐይማኖትን ተኮር ያደረገ ትንኮሳ ከፍተኛ ብሔራዊ አደጋ ነው  ::
    የዘር እና የብሔር ችግር እንዲፈጠር ማድረግ በሰከንዶች ውስጥ ሞትን አዝለው የሚመጡ አደጋዎች  እንደሚከሰቱ ማወቅ ያስፈልጋል ::ዛሬ  በሱማሌ ክልል ይምናየው እልቂት የዚህ ሰንካላ ምክኒያት ውጤት ነው :: የህዝብን ህይወት ሊያደፈርሱ የሚችሉ የጥላቻን መርዝ መንዛት  እና ሰላማዊ ሰዎችን መግደል ፣ ማፈናቀል ከዚህ በላይ ብሔራዊ አደጋ  ሊኖር አይችልም  :: 
    በግልፅ መናገር  ካስፈለገ ሐገራችን በታላቅ ችግርና  ፖለቲካዊ ነውጥ ውስጥ ለማስገባት ከአብይ እና ከኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ የመደመር አላማ  በተፃራሪ የቆሙ ሾተላዮች ፣ ሐይላቸውን እና ገንዘባቸውን አስተባብረው ዘመቻ ከፍተውብናል ::  በእርግጥ የአብይም ሆነ የለማ  መገርሳ አስተዳደር የራሳቸውን በጎነት ጨምረው ቢያንስ ፈጣሪንና ህሌናን ዳኛ ያደረገ የአንዲት ኢትዮጵያን እውን መሆን የመደመር ስሌት እየሰሩ ነው :: ይህን ሞራልን  መሰረት ያደረገ ስርአት ለማምጣት የአብይ እና የለማ ብቻ ሀላፊነት መሆን የለበትም :: ዜጎች ሁሉ በበጎ አስተሳሰብ በጋራ  አብረናቸው መነሳት አለብን :: 
     ሞታቸው ሞታችን ድላቸው ድላችን መሆን አለበት :: ዛሬ ሐገራችን በቀን ጅቦችና በሾተላዮች ስትታመስ እያየን እየሰማን ተመልካች ብቻ የምንሆን ከሆነ በእርግጥም  ሐላፊነት የማይሰማን ዜጎች ነን ማለት ነው ::   ዝም ብለን በደመነፍስ መጏዝ የለብንም :: ታላቅ ሐገር ታላቅ ሕዝብ እንዲኖረን የምንመኝ ከሆነ ችግራችንን ሁሉ መንግስት ይቅርፈዋል ብለን መጠብቅ የዋህነት ነው ::  ይህ  እንደባሕል አርገን  የወሰድነው በሰው መስዋዕትነት መኖር ማብቃት አለበት :: ህብረተሰቡ እራሱን መጠበቅ መለማመድ እና መሞከር አለበት ::
    ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር አብይ ደጋግመው እንደ ገለፁት ከሆነ የሐገራችን ብቻ ሳይሆን የአፍሪካንም ሐላፊነት ተሸክመናል ::   በሐገራችን በሱማሌ ክልል  የተከሰተው አይነት ያለ ችግር ለዘለቂታው ለመፍታት የሚደረገው ጥረት በግብታዊነት ሳይሆን ጥናትና ምርምር ማካሂድ አለብን ::  ኢትዮጵያዊነት እንደህዝብ እንደሐገር እንደ መንግስት መታወቅና መከበርን ከሁሉም በላይ የነፃነትን እሴቶቻችን  መሰረት  ያደረገ እንደመሆኑ ከነፃ ህዝብነት የሚፈልቀውን ልበሙሉነትና የመንፈስ እርካታ ሁሉ ያጎናፀፋል  :: ካለበለዚያ   ዝም ብሎ የማንም ውርጋጥ ጭቃ እያድቦለቦለ ጠፍጥፎ የካርታ ሐውልት የሚያቆምበት ስርአት ለመመስረት እና ህዝብን ለመከፋፈል አይደለም የምንደክመው :: 
     ሐገራችን ኢትዮጵያ  የጋራ ታሪክ ያለው  ሰንደቅ አላማ አላት ::  የተባበሩት መንግስታት እውቅና ያለው አረንጏዴ ቢጫ ቀይ ቀለም ሰንደቅ አላማ ::   በሐገራችን ሆነ በመላው አለም በኩራት የምናውለበልበው ፀረ ኮሎኒያሎኒያሊዝምን  አባቶቻችን የአንበረከኩበት   ብሔራዊ ሰንደቅ አላማችን  ነው ::  የእኛነታችን መገለጫ  ::  በዘፈቀደ ማንም ሰው ልብስ ሰፊ ቤት እየሔደ ጣቃ እያስቀደደ ሕዝብን ከህዝብ ለማጋጨት የሚነሳሳ ምልክት አንስቶ መፎከር የለበትም ::
     የኢትዮጵያ ሥልጣኔ ያስገኘውን ታላቅ ቅርስ ሐላፊነት በጎደላቸው ውርጋጦች ሲደፈር ማየትም ተገቢ አይደለምና ሊታሰብበት ይገባል እንላለን  ::  ለምን የጋራ ጠላቶቻችንን ለማስዎገድ በጋራ መቆም የሰከነ ዘመናዊ መንግስት ለማቋቋም በግስጋሴ ላይ ነው ያለነው  :: በተለይ  የሐገርን  ታሪክ ጠንቅቆ አለማወቅ አላማ ቢስነትና የመቻቻል ባህልን አለመለማመድ ታላቅ የመደመር እንቅፋት ሲሆን ለዲሞክራሲ ስርአት  ዃለቀር ውርሶች ናቸው ::  እናም  በአስተሳሰብ ደርጃ ያሮጌው ባህላችን ነፀብራቅ አሚካላ በመሆናቸው በጋራ ነቅለን መጣል አለብን   :: በዚህ ጉዳይ የነፍስ ጨለማን የሚያበሩት ለማ መገርሳ  በህይወት ያሉ የአንድነት ሐውልት ትልቅ ምሳሌ  ናቸው :: አሁንም ለማ መገርሳ መጣ እያገሰ ማለታችን ይቀጥላል ::
    ለዛሬው በዚሁ አበቃሁ በሌላ ዝግጅት እስክንገናኝ ቸር ይግጠመን
    አለባቸው ደሳለኝ አበሻ (ለንደን)
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